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Template:Psychoanalysis

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Psychoanalysis today comprises several interlocking theories concerning the functioning of the mind; the term also refers to a specific type of treatment where the analyst, upon hearing the thoughts of the analysand (analytic patient), formulates and then explains the unconscious bases for the patient’s symptoms and character problems. Unconscious functioning was first described by Sigmund Freud, who modified his theories several times over a period of almost 50 years of attempting to treat patients who suffered with mental problems. During psychoanalytic treatment, the patient tells the analyst various thoughts and feelings. The analyst listens carefully, formulates, then intervenes to attempt to help the patient develop insight into unconscious factors causing the problems. The specifics of the analyst’s interventions typically include confronting and clarifying the patient’s pathological defenses, wishes and guilt. Through the analysis of resistance (unconscious barriers to treatment), and transference to the analyst of expectations, psychoanalysis aims to unearth wishes and emotions from prior unresolved conflicts, in order to help the patient perceive and resolve lingering problems.

Although recently the subject of widespread criticism, psychoanalysis has been thriving as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances (see Wallerstein’s (2000)Forty-Two Lives in Treatment: A Study of Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy). In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to the development of a variety of alternative models of psychoanalysis, many of which challenged Freud’s thinking about female sexual development, ^[1] and other fundamental questions. Most contemporary psychoanalysts employ theories that, while based on those of Sigmund Freud, also differ from his in significant respects.

Today, there are approximately 45 accredited training institutes for psychoanalysis in the United States (see www.apsa.org), and there are over 3,000 graduated psychoanalysts practicing in the United States. The International Psychoanalytical Association accredits psychoanalytic training centers throughout the world, including countries such as Serbia, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, and many others, and is a fast-growing organization.

Psychoanalysis was devised in Vienna in the 1890s by Sigmund Freud, a neurologist interested in finding an effective treatment for patients with neurotic or hysterical symptoms. Freud became sensitized to the existence of mental processes that were not conscious as a result of his neurological consulting job at the Kinderkrankenhaus (Children’s Hospital), where he noticed that many aphasic children had no organic cause for their symptoms. (He wrote a monograph about this, called, “On Aphasia.”) He also became aware of the experimental treatment (combination of hypnotism and “catharsis” done by “abreaction”) his older mentor and colleague, Dr. Josef Breuer, was using to treat the now famous patient, Anna O. In the late 1880s, Freud obtained a grant to study with Jean-Martin Charcot, the famed neurologist and syphilologist, at the Salpetriere in Paris. Dr. Charcot had become interested in patients who had symptoms that mimicked general paresis, the psychotic illness that occurs due to tertiary syphilis. Charcot had found that many patients experienced paralyses, pains, coughs, and a variety of other symptoms with no demonstrable physical etiology (cause). Prior to Charcot’s work, women were thought to have a wandering uterus (the name hysteria means this in Greek). But Freud learned that men could have psychosomatic symptoms as well. As a result of talking with patients, Freud learned that the majority complained of sexual problems (especially coitus interruptus as birth control), which surprised him greatly. He first suspected their problems stemmed from cultural restrictions on sexual expression, and devised what today is called “topographic theory,” in 1895. In this theory, which he later more or less discarded (in 1923), unacceptable sexual wishes were repressed into the “System Unconscious” unconscious due to “society’s” condemnation of premarital sexual activity, and this repression created anxiety. Freud also discovered what most of us take for granted today: that dreams were symbolic and specific to the dreamer. Often, dreams give clues to unconscious conflicts, and for this reason, Freud referred to dreams as the “royal road to the Unconscious.” After several theoretical modifications, the discovery of narcissism (1915), and the study of paranoia, masochism, and depression (1917), Freud eventually reorganized his data into what became known as structural theory (in a small book called The Ego and the Id, 1923). This new theory, which addressed the cause of neurotic symptoms (phobias, compulsions, obsessions, depressions, and “hysterical” conversions, e.g.), suggested that such problems were created by conflicts among various wishes and guilt, which produced anxiety. To handle the anxiety, the mind forgot (repressed) certain conflicting thoughts. In other words, now he felt that anxiety produced repression, not the other way around.

Wikinews has related news: Dr. Joseph Merlino on sexuality, insanity, Freud, fetishes and apathy

The predominant psychoanalytic theories include

• Conflict Theory, which theorizes that emotional symptoms and character traits are complex solutions to intrapsychic conflict. See Brenner (2006), Psychoanalysis: Mind and Meaning, New York: Psychoanalytic Quarterly Press. This revision of Freud’s structural theory (Freud, 1923, 1926) dispenses with the concepts of a fixed id, ego and superego, and instead posits unconscious and conscious conflict among wishes (dependant, controlling, sexual, and aggressive), guilt and shame, emotions (especially anxiety and depressive affect), and defensive operations that shut off from consciousness some aspect of the others. Moreover, healthy functioning (adaptive) is also determined, to a great extent, by resolutions of conflict. A major goal of modern conflict theorist analysts is to attempt to change the balance of conflict through making aspects of the less adaptive solutions (also called compromise formations) conscious so that they can be rethought, and more adaptive solutions found. Current theoreticians following Brenner’s many suggestions (see especially Brenner’s 1982 book, “The Mind in Conflict”) include Sandor Abend, MD (Abend, Porder, & Willick, (1983), Borderline Patients: Clinical Perspectives), Jacob Arlow (Arlow and Brenner (1964), Psychoanalytic Concepts and the Structural Theory), and Jerome Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself). Conflict theory is the prevalent analytic theory taught in psychoanalytic intitutes, throughout the United States, accredited by the American Psychoanaltyic Association.

• Ego Psychology, which has a long history. Begun by Freud in Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety (1926), the theory was refined by Hartmann, Loewenstein, and Kris in a series of papers and books from 1939 through the late 1960s. Leo Bellak picked up the work from there. This series of constructs, parallelling some of cognitive theory, includes the notions of autonomous ego functions: mental functions not dependant, at least in origin, on intrapsychic conflict. Such functions include: sensory perception, motor control, symbolic thought, logical thought, speech, abstraction, integration (synthesis), orientation, concentration, judgment about danger, reality testing, adaptive ability, executive decision-making, hygiene, and self-preservation. Freud noted inhibition as a way the mind may interfere with any of these functions to avoid painful emotions. Hartmann (1950s) pointed out that there may be delays or deficits in such functions. Frosch (1964) described differences in those people who demonstrated damage to their relationship to reality, but who seemed able to test it. Deficits in the capacity to organize thought are sometimes referred to as blocking or loose associations (Bleuler), and are characteristic of the schizophrenias. Deficits in abstraction ability and self-preservation also suggest psychosis in adults. Deficits in orientation and sensorium are often indicative of a medical illness affecting the brain (and therefore, autonomous ego functions). Deficits in certain ego functions are routinely found in severely sexually or physically abused children, where powerful affects generated throughout childhood seem to have eroded some functional development. Ego strengths, later described by Kernberg (1975), include the capacities to control oral, sexual and destructive impulses; to tolerate painful affects without falling apart; and to prevent the eruption into consciousness of bizarre symbolic fantasy. Defensive activity, which shuts certain conflictual thoughts,fantasies, and sensations out of consciousness, is also sometimes included here, although defensive operations are different from autonomous functions. Nevertheless, the term “ego defense” has become common.

• Object relations theory, which attempts to explain vicissitudes of human relationships through a study of how internal representations of self and of others are structured. The clinical problems that suggest object relations problems (usually developmental delays throughout life) include disturbances in an individual’s capacity to feel warmth, empathy, trust, sense of security, identity stability, consistent emotional closeness, and stability in relationships with chosen other human beings. (It is not suggested that one should trust everyone, for example). Concepts regarding internal representations (also sometimes termed, “introjects,” “self and object representations,” or “internalizations of self and other”) although often attributed to Melanie Klein, were actually first mentioned by Sigmund Freud in his early concepts of drive theory (1905, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality). Freud’s 1917 paper “Mourning and Melancholia”, for example, hypothesized that unresolved grief was caused by the survivor’s internalized image of the deceased becoming fused with that of the survivor, and then the survivor shifting unacceptable anger toward the deceased onto the now complex self image. Vamik Volkan, in “Linking Objects and Linking Phenomena,” expanded on Freud’s thoughts on this, describing the syndromes of “Established pathological mourning” vs. “reactive depression” based on similar dynamics. Melanie Klein’s hypotheses regarding internalizations during the first year of life, leading to paranoid and depressive positions, were later challenged by Rene Spitz (e.g., The First Year of Life, 1965), who divided the first year of life into a coenesthetic phase of the first 6 months, and then a diacritic phase for the second 6 months. Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Fine, and Bergman (1975), “The Psychological Birth of the Human Infant”) and her group, first in New York, then in Philadelphia, described distinct phases and subphases of child development leading to “separation-individuation” during the first three years of life, stressing the importance of constancy of parental figures, in the face of the child’s destructive aggression, to the child’s internalizations, stability of affect management, and ability to develop healthy autonomy. Later developers of the theory of self and object constancy as it affects adult psychiatric problems such as psychosis and borderline states have been John Frosch, Otto Kernberg, and Salman Akhtar. Peter Blos described (1960, in a book called “On Adolescence) how similar separation-individuation struggles occur during adolescence, of course with a different outcome from the first 3 years of life: the teen usually, eventually, leaves the parents’ house (this varies with the culture). During adolescence, Erik Erikson (1950, 1960s) described the “identity crisis,” that involves identity-diffusion anxiety. In order for an adult to be able to experience “Warm-ETHICS” (warmth, empathy, trust, holding environment (Winnicott), identity, closeness, and stability) in relationships (see Blackman (2003), 101 Defenses: How the Mind Shields Itself), the teenager must resolve the problems with identity and redevelop self and object constancy.

• Structural Theory, which breaks the mind up into the id, the ego, and the superego. Actually, in German, the word for id is “es,” which means “it.” The word ego was coined by Freud’s translators; Freud used the term, “ich” meaning “I” in English. Freud called the superego the “Uber-ich.” The id was designated as the repository of sexual and aggressive wishes, which Freud called “drives.” The ego was composed of those forces that opposed the drives — defensive operations. The superego was Freud’s term for the conscience — values and ideals, shame and guilt. One problem Brenner (2006) later found with this theory (see above) was that Freud also suggested that forgotten thoughts (“the repressed”) were also “located” in the id. However, Freud here realized that drives could be conscious or unconscious, and that consciousness vs. unconsciousness was a quality of any mental operation or any mental conflict. Forgetting things could be done on purpose, or not. People could be aware of guilt, or not aware.

• Self psychology, which emphasizes the development of a stable sense of self through mutually empathic contacts with other humans, was developed originally by Heinz Kohut, and has been elucidated by the Ornsteins and Arnold Goldberg. Marian Tolpin explicated the need for “transmuting internalizations” (1971) during treatment, to correct what Kohut referred to as a disturbance in the “self-object” internalizations from parents.

• Lacanian psychoanalysis, which integrates psychoanalysis with semiotics and Hegelian philosophy, is popular in France.

• Analytical psychology, which has a more spiritual approach, founded by Carl Jung

• Interpersonal psychoanalysis, which accents the nuances of interpersonal interactions, was first introduced by Harry Stack Sullivan, MD, and developed further by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann. It is the primary theory, still taught, at the William Alanson White Center.

• Relational psychoanalysis, which combines interpersonal psychoanalysis with object-relations theory as critical for mental health, was developed primarily by Stephen Mitchell. His suggestions for technique applied to patients who seemed unable to develop trusting, close relationships. Fonagy and Target, in London, have propounded their view of the necessity of helping certain detached, isolated patients, develop the capacity for “mentalization” associated with thinking about relationships and themselves.

• Modern psychoanalysis, a body of theoretical and clinical knowledge developed by Hyman Spotnitz and his colleagues, extended Freud’s theories so as to make them applicable to the full spectrum of emotional disorders. Modern psychoanalytic interventions are primarily intended to provide an emotional-maturational communication to the patient, rather than to promote intellectual insight.

Although these theoretical “schools” differ, most of them continue to stress the strong influence of unconscious elements affecting people’s mental lives. There has also been considerable work done on consolidating elements of conflicting theory (cf. the work of Theodore Dorpat, B. Killingmo, and S. Akhtar). As in all fields of medicine (for example, [2]}, there are some persistent conflicts regarding specific causes of some syndromes, and disputes regarding the best treatment techniques.

Today psychoanalytic ideas are embedded in the culture, especially in childcare, education, literary criticism, and in psychiatry, particularly medical and non-medical psychotherapy. Though there is a mainstream of evolved analytic ideas, there are groups who more specifically follow the precepts of one or more of the later theoreticians. It also plays a role in literary analysis. See Archetypal literary criticism.

The various psychoses involve deficits in the autonomous ego functions (see above) of integration (organization) of thought, in abstraction ability, in relationship to reality and in reality testing. In depressions with psychotic features, the self-preservation function may also be damaged (sometimes by overwhelming depressive affect). Because of the integrative deficits (often causing what general psychiatrists call “loose associations,” “blocking,” “flightof ideas,” “verbigeration,” and “thought withdrawal,”), the development of self and object representations is also impaired. Clinically, therefore, psychotic individuals manifest limitations in warmth, empathy, trust, identity, closeness and/or stability in relationships (due to problems with self-object fusion anxiety) as well.

In patients whose autonomous ego functions are more intact, but who still show problems with object relations, the diagnosis often falls into the category known as “borderline.” Borderline patients also show deficits, often in controlling impulses, affects, or fantasies — but their ability to test reality remains more or less intact.

Those adults who do not experience guilt and shame, and who indulge in criminal behavior, are usually diagnosed as psychopaths, or, using DSM-IV-TR, antisocial personality disorder.

Panic, phobias, conversions, obsessions, compulsions and depressions (analysts call these “neurotic syptoms”) are not usually caused by deficits in functions. Instead, they are caused by intrapsychic conflicts. The conflicts are generally among sexual and hostile-aggressive wishes, guilt and shame, and reality factors. The conflicts may be conscious or unconscious, but create anxiety, depressive affect, and anger. Finally, the various elements are managed by defensive operations — essentially shut-off brain mechanisms that make people unaware of that element of conflict. “Repression” is the term given to the mechanism that shuts thoughts out of consciousness. “Isolation of affect” is the term used for the mechanism that shuts sensations out of consciousness. Neurotic symptoms may occur with or without deficits in ego functions, object relations, and ego strengths. Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter obsessive-compulsive schizophrenics, panic patients who also suffer with borderline personality disorder, etc.

Furthermore, we know that many adult problems can trace their origins to unresolved conflicts from certain phases of childhood and adolescence. Freud, based on the data gathered from his patients early in his career, suspected that neurotic disturbances occurred when children were sexually abused in childhood (the so-called seduction theory). Later, Freud came to realize that, although child abuse occurs, that not all neurotic symptoms were associated with this. He realized that neurotic people often had unconscious conflicts that involved incestuous fantasies deriving from different stages of development. He found the stage from about 3 to 6 years of age (preschool years, today called the “first genital stage”) to be filled with fantasies about marriage with both parents. Although arguments were generated in turn-of-the-(20th)century Vienna about whether adult seduction of children was the basis of neurotic illness, there is virtually no argument about this problem in the 21st century.

Many psychoanalysts who work with children have studied the actual effects of child abuse, which include ego and object relations deficits and severe neurotic conflicts. Much research has been done on these types of trauma in childhood, and the adult sequelae of those. On the other hand, many adults with symptom neuroses and character pathology have no history of childhood sexual or physical abuse.

In studying the childhood factors that start neurotic symptom development, Freud found a constellation of factors that, for literary reasons, he termed the Oedipus complex (based on Sophocles play, Oedipus Rex, where the protagonist unwittingly kills his father Laius and marries his mother Jocasta). The shorthand term, “oedipal,” (later explicated by Joseph Sandler, 1960, in “On the Concept Superego” and modified by Charles Brenner (1982) in “The Mind in Conflict”) refers to the powerful attachments that children make to their parents in the preschool years. These attachments involve fantasies of marriage to either (or both) parent, and, therefore, competitive fantasies toward either (or both) parents. Humberto Nagera (1975) has been particulary helpful in clarifying many of the complexities of the child through these years.

The terms ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ oedipal conflicts have been attached to the heterosexual and homosexual aspects, respectively. Both seem to occur in development of most children. Eventually, the developing child’s concessions to reality (that they will neither marry one parent nor eliminate the other) lead to identifications with parental values. These identifications generally create a new set of mental operations regarding values and guilt, subsumed under the term “superego.” Besides superego development, children “resolve” their preschool oedipal conflicts through channeling wishes into something their parents approve of (“sublimations”) and the development, during the school-age years (“latency”) of age-appropriate obsessive-compulsive defensive maneuvers (rules, repetitive games).

When there is disturbance in the family during the first genital phase (such as death of a parent or divorce), unusual magnification of anxieties in the child may occur. This sets the stage for problems during latency and adolescence. Later in life, under certain circumstances, a recrudescence of symptoms may occur during periods that are either stressful or symbolic — such as marriage, having children, or graduating from school.

Controversies regarding infantile sexuality and the oedipus complex are prevalent within and without psychoanalytic circles.

Using the various analytic theories to assess mental problems, several particular constellations of problems are particularly suited for analytic techniques (see below) whereas other problems respond better to medicines and different interpersonal interventions.

To be treated with psychoanalysis, whatever the presenting problem, the person requesting help must demonstrate

1. good capacity to organize thought (integrative function)
2. good abstraction ability
3. reasonable ability to observe self and others
4. some capacity for trust and empathy
5. some ability to control emotion and urges, and
6. good contact with reality (excludes most psychotic patients)
7. some guilt and shame (excludes most criminals)
8. reasonable self-preservation ability (excludes severely suicidal patients)

If any of the above are faulty, then modifications of techniques, or completely different treatment approaches, must be instituted. The more there are deficits of serious magnitude in any of the above mental operations (1-8), the more psychoanalysis as treatment is contraindicated, and the more medication and supportive approaches are indicated. In non-psychotic first-degree criminals, any treatment is often contraindicated.

The problems treatable with analysis include: phobias, conversions, compulsions, obsessions, anxiety attacks, depressions, sexual dysfunctions, a wide variety of relationship problems (dating and marital strife, e.g.), and a wide variety of character problems (e.g., painful shyness, meanness, obnoxiousness, workaholism, hyperseductiveness, hyperemotionality, hyperfastidiousness). The fact that many of such patients also demonstrate deficits in numbers 1-8 above makes diagnosis and treatment selection difficult.

The basic method of psychoanalysis is interpretation of the analysand’s unconscious conflicts that are interfering with current-day functioning — conflicts that are causing painful symptoms such as phobias, anxiety, depression, and compulsions. Strachey (1936) stressed that figuring out ways the patient distorted perceptions about the analyst led to understanding what may have been forgotten (also see Freud’s paper “Repeating, Remembering, and Working Through”). In particular, unconscious hostile feelings toward the analyst could be found in symbolic, negative reactions to what Robert Langs later called the “frame” of the therapy — the setup that included times of the sessions, payment of fees, and necessity of talking. In patients who made mistakes, forgot, or showed other peculiarities regarding time, fees, and talking, the analyst can usually find various unconscious “resistances” to the flow of thoughts (sometimes called free association).

When the patient reclines on a couch with the analyst out of view, the patient tends to remember more, experience more resistance and transference, and be able to reorganize thoughts after the development of insight — through the interpretive work of the analyst. Although fantasy life can be understood through the examination of dreams, masturbation fantasies (cf. Marcus, I. and Francis, J. (1975), Masturbation from Infancy to Senescence) are also important. The analyst is interested in how the patient reacts to and avoids such fantasies (cf. Paul Gray (1995), The Ego and the Analysis of Defense). Various memories of early life are generally distorted — Freud called them “screen memories” — and in any case, very early experiences (before age 2) — can not be remembered (See the child studies of Eleanor Galenson on “evocative memory”).

There is what is known among psychoanalysts as “classical technique,” although Freud throughout his writings deviated from this considerably, depending on the problems of any given patient. Classical technique was best summarized by Allan Compton, MD, as comprising:

1. instructions (telling the patient to try to say what’s on their mind, including interferences)
2. exploration (asking questions)
3. clarification (rephrasing and summarizing what the patient has been describing)
4. confrontation (bringing an aspect of functioning, usually a defense, to the patient’s attention)
5. dynamic interpretation (explaining how being too nice guards against guilt, e.g. – defense vs. affect)
6. genetic interpretation (explaining how a past event is influencing the present)
7. resistance interpretation (showing the patient how they are avoiding their problems)
8. transference interpretation (showing the patient ways old conflicts arise in current relationships, including that with the analyst)
9. dream interpretation (obtaining the patient’s thoughts about their dreams and connecting this with their current problems)
10. reconstruction (estimating what may have happened in the past that created some current day difficulty)

Clearly, these techniques are primarily based on conflict theory (see above). As object relations theory evolved, supplemented by the work of Bowlby, Ainsorth, and Beebe, techniques with patients who had more severe problems with basic trust (Erikson, 1950) and a history of maternal deprivation (see the works of Augusta Alpert) led to new techniques with adults. These have sometimes been called interpersonal, intersubjective (cf. Stolorow), relational, or corrective object relations techniques. These techniques include:

1. expressing an experienced empathic attunement to the patient
2. expressing a certain dosage of warmth
3. exposing a bit of the analyst’s personal life or attitudes to the patient
4. allowing the patient autonomy in the form of disagreement with the analyst (cf. I.H. Paul, Letters to Simon.)
5. explanations of the motivations of others which the patient misperceives

Finally, ego psychological concepts of deficit in functioning led to refinements in supportive therapy. These techniques are particularly applicable to psychotic and near-psychotic (cf., Eric Marcus, “Psychosis and Near-psychosis”) patients. These supportive therapy techniques include:

1. discussions of reality
2. encouragement to stay alive (including hospitalization)
3. psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming depressive affect
4. psychotropic medicines to relieve overwhelming fantasies (hallucinations and delusions)
5. advice about the meanings of things (to counter abstraction failures)

The notion of the “silent analyst” has been made into negative propaganda against analysis. Actually, the analyst listens in a special way (see Arlow’s paper on “The Genesis of Interpretation”). Much active intervention is necessary by the analyst to interpret resistances, defenses creating pathology, and fantasies that are being displaced into the current day inappropriately. Silence and non-responsiveness was actually a technique promulgated by Carl Rogers, in his development of so-called “Client Centered Therapy” — and is not a technique of psychoanalysis (also see the studies and opinion papers of Owen Renik, MD).

“Analytic Neutrality” is a concept that does not mean the analyst is silent. It refers to the analyst’s position of not taking sides in the internal struggles of the patient. For example, if a patient feels guilty, the analyst might explore what the patient has been doing or thinking that causes the guilt, but not reassure the patient not to feel guilty. The analyst might also explore the identifications with parents and others that led to the guilt.

Although single-client sessions remain the norm, psychoanalytic theory has been used to develop other types of psychological treatment. Psychoanalytic group therapy was pioneered by Harry Stack Sullivan, S. R. Slavson, and Wolfe. Child-centered counseling for parents was instituted early in analytic history by Freud, and was later further developed by Irwin Marcus, Edith Schulhofer, and Gilbert Kliman. Psychoanalytically based couples therapy has been promulgated and explicated by Fred Sander, MD.

Psychoanalytic training in the United States, in most locations, involves three facets:

1. Personal analytic treatment for the trainee, conducted confidentially, with no report to the Education Committee of the Analytic Training Institute.
2. Approximately 600 hours of class instruction, with a standard curriculum, over a 4-year period. Classes are often a few hours per week, or for a full day or two every other weekend during the academic year; this varies with the institute.
3. Supervision once per week, with a senior analyst, on each analytic treatment case the trainee has. The minimum number of cases varies between institutes, often 2 to four cases. Male and female cases are required. Supervision must go on for at least a few years on one or more cases. Supervision is done in the supervisor’s office, where the trainee presents material from the analytic work that week, examines the unconscious conflicts with the supervisor, and learns, discusses, and is advised about technique.

Psychoanalytic Training Centers in the United States have been accredited by special committees of the American Psychoanalytic Association or the International Psychoanalytical Association. Because of theoretical differences, other institutes have arisen, as well, which belong to other organizations such as the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychotherapy, and the National Association for the Advancement of Psychoanalysis. At most psychoanalytic institutes in the United States, qualifications for entry include a terminal degree in a mental health field, such as Ph.D., C.S.W., or M.D. A few institutes restrict applicants to those already holding an M.D. or Ph.D., and one institute in Southern California confers a Ph.D. or Psy.D. in psychoanalysis upon graduation, which involves completion of the necessary requirements for the state boards that confer that doctoral degree. In many institutes in Europe and Latin America, the admission for training does not necessarily require a license-bearing preliminary degree.

Some psychoanalytic training has been set up as a post-doctoral fellowship in university settings, such as at Duke University, Yale University , New York University, and Columbia University. Other psychoanalytic institutes may not be directly associated with universities, but the faculty at those institutes usually hold contemporaneous faculty positions with psychology Ph.D. programs and/or with Medical School psychiatry residency programs.

Psychoanalysis was limited to those “in the know” from the early 1920s (when A.A. Brill began the New York Psychoanalytic Institute) through the end of World War II, although the idea that repression of sexual urges could make you mentally ill (Freud’s first, discarded theory) proved popular with college students in the 1920s — who used the theory to argue with their conservative parents. During those early years, Andrew Carnegie was perhaps one of the most famous patients who benefited; he later made his gratitude public by endowing a psychoanalytic fund in Pittsburgh.

Psychoanalysis became popular post-war, as many celebrities found it useful — such as Steve Allen, Jane Meadows, and Art Buchwald. Psychoanalytic treatment became somewhat less popular during the 1980s and early 1990s. Circa 1986, when insurance companies decimated health insurance coverage for all mental illnesses (in part due to corrupt practices in some for-profit hospitals), people for whom psychoanalytic treatment was indicated were increasingly unable to afford it. Gradually, as psychiatry departments became more dependent on grants from pharmaceutical companies, chairs of Psychiatry Departments in the nation’s medical schools tended to come from backgrounds involving pharmacological research — not from backgrounds involving analytic training. Interestingly, psychoanalytic institutes have experienced an increase in the number of applicants in recent years, but, not surprisingly, about 70-80% of incoming students are non-MDs.^[2]

Over a hundred years of case reports and studies in the Psychoanalytic Quarterly, the International Journal of Psychoanalysis and the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association demonstrate the efficacy of analysis in cases of neurosis and character or personality problems. Psychoanalysis modified by object relations techniques has been shown to be effective in many cases of ingrained problems of intimacy and relationship (cf. the many books of Otto Kernberg). As a therapeutic treatment, psychoanalytic techniques may be useful in a one-session consultation (see Blackman, J. (1994), Psychodynamic Technique during Ungent Consultation Interviews, Journal Psychotherapy Practice & Research). Psychoanalytic treatment, in other situations, may run from about a year to many years, depending on the severity and complexity of the pathology.

Psychoanalytic theory has, from its inception, been the subject of criticism and controversy. Freud remarked on this early in his career, when other physicians in Vienna ostracized him for his findings that hysterical conversion symptoms were not limited to women. Challenges to analytic theory began with Otto Rank and Adler (turn of the 20th century), continued with behaviorists (Wolpe, e.g.) into the 1940s and ’50s, and have persisted. Criticisms come from those who object the notion that there are mechanisms, thoughts or feelings in the mind that could be unconscious. Criticisms also have been leveled against the discovery of “infantile sexuality” (the recognition that children between ages 2 and 6 years of age imagine things about procreation). Criticisms of theory have led to opposing analytic theories, such as the work of Fairbairn, Balint, and Bowlby. In the past 30 years or so, the criticisms have centered on the issue of empirical verification,^[3] in spite of many empirical, prospective research studies that have been empirically validated (e.g., See the studies of Barbara Milrod, at Cornell University Medical School, et al.).

Psychoanalysis has been thriving as a research tool into childhood development (cf. the journal The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child), and has developed into a flexible, effective treatment for certain mental disturbances (see Wallerstein’s (2000) Forty-Two Lives in Treatment: A Study of Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy). In the 1960s, Freud’s early (1905) thoughts on the childhood development of female sexuality were challenged; this challenge led to major research in the 1970s and 80s, and then to a reformulation of female sexual development that corrected of Freud’s concepts.^[4]

Analysis of previous randomized controlled trials have suggested that psychoanalytic treatment is effective in specific psychiatric disorders. [3]. Empirical research on the efficacy of psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy has also become prominent among psychoanalytic researchers.

Research on psychodynamic treatment of some populations shows mixed results. Research by analysts such as Bertram Karon and colleagues at Michigan State University had suggested that when trained properly, psychodynamic therapists can be effective with schizophrenic patients. More recent research casts doubt on these claims. The Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) report argues in its Recommendaton 22 against the use of psychodynamic therapy in cases of schizophrenia, noting that more trials are necessary to verify its effectiveness. However, the PORT recommendation is based on the opinions of clinicians rather than on empirical data, and empirical data exist that contradict this recommendation (link to abstract). A review of current medical literature in The Cochrane Library, (the updated abstract of which is available online) reached the conclusion that no data exist that demonstrate that psychodynamic psychotherapy is effective in treating schizophrenia. Dr. Hyman Spotnitz and the practitioners of his theory known as Modern Psychoanalysis, a specific sub-specialty, still report (2007) much success in using their enhanced version of psychoanalytic technique in the treatment of schizophrenia. Further data also suggest that psychoanalysis is not effective (and possibly even detrimental) in the treatment of sex offenders.

The cost of psychoanalytic treatment ranges widely from city to city. Low-fee analysis is often available in a psychoanalytic training clinic and graduate schools. Otherwise, the fee set by each analyst varies with the analyst’s training and experience. Since, in most locations in the United States, unlike in Ontario and Germany, classical analysis (which usually requires sessions 3 to 5 times per week) is not covered by health insurance, many analysts may negotiate their fees with patients whom they feel they can help, but who have financial difficulties.

The various modifications of analysis, which include dynamic therapy, brief therapies, and certain types of group therapy (cf. Slavson, S. R., A Textbook in Analytic Group Therapy), are carried out on a less frequent basis – usually once, twice, or three times a week – and usually the patient sits facing the therapist.

Many studies have also been done on briefer “dynamic” treatments; these are more expedient to measure, and shed light on the therapeutic process to some extent. Brief Relational Therapy (BRT), Brief Psychodynamic Therapy (BPT), and Time-Limited Dynamic Therapy (TLDP) limit treatment to 20-30 sessions. On average, classical analysis may last 5.7 years, [4] but for phobias and depressions uncomplicated by ego deficits or object relations deficits, analysis may run just a year or two. Longer analyses are indicated for those with more serious disturbances in object relations, more symptoms, and more ingrained character pathology (such as obnoxiousness, severe passivity, or heinous procrastination).

Freud revisited the Oedipal territory in the final essay of Totem and Taboo. There, he combined one of Charles Darwin‘s more speculative theories about the arrangements of early human societies (a single alpha-male surrounded by a harem of females, similar to the arrangement of gorilla groupings) with the theory of the sacrifice ritual taken from William Robertson Smith. Smith believed he had located the origins of totemism in a singular event, whereby a band of prehistoric brothers expelled from the alpha-male group returned to kill their father, whom they both feared and respected. In this respect, Freud located the beginnings of the Oedipus complex at the origins of human society, and postulated that all religion was in effect an extended and collective solution to the problem of guilt and ambivalence relating to the killing of the father figure (which Freud saw as the true original sin).

In 1920, after the carnage of World War I, and after studying severe depressions and masochistic states, Freud became concerned with what today Parens has called “destructive aggression.” He began to formulate that there were wishes that drove human beings that were not sexual, but aggressive. The concepts of a libidinal and an aggressive drive are still used clinically by a large number of practicing analysts, but there is today some dispute (and research into) the origins of either sexual or destructive fantasies and/or behavior. Freud attempted, in “Beyond the Pleasure Principle” (1920), to theorize that there might be cellular origins to destructiveness, an idea that may be supported by current research into telomeres and cell death. Most North American analysts, however, have not been persuaded by Freud’s arguments that there is a “Death Drive” underlying aggression. However, analysts in England (the Melanie Klein group) and South America utilize this concept.

Psychoanalysis can be adapted to different cultures, as long as the therapist or counseling understands the client’s culture. For example, Tori and Blimes found that defense mechanisms were valid in a normative sample of 2,624 Thais. The use of certain defense mechanisms was related to cultural values. For example Thais value calmness and collectiveness (because of Buddhist beliefs), so they were low on regressive emotionality. Psychoanalysis also applies because Freud used techniques that allowed him to get the subjective perceptions of his patients. He takes an objective approach by not facing his clients during his talk therapy sessions. He met with his patients where ever they were, such as when he used free association—where clients would say whatever came to mind without self-censorship. His treatments had little to no structure for most cultures, especially Asian cultures. Therefore, it is more likely that Freudian constructs will be used in structured therapy (Thompson, et al., 2004). In addition, Corey postulates that it will be necessary for a therapist to help clients develop a cultural identity as well as an ego identity. Since Freud has been criticized for not accounting for external/societal forces, it seems logical that therapists or counselors using his premises will work with the family more.

Psychoanalytic constructs have been adapted and modified for use with children. Play therapy, art therapy, and storytelling, have been the beneficiaries of these modifications. Throughout her career, from the 1920s through the 1970s, Anna Freud (Sigmund Freud’s daughter) adapted psychoanalysis for children through play. This is still used today for children, especially those who are preadolescent (see Leon Hoffman, New York Psychoanalytic Institute Center for Children). Using toys and games, children are able to demonstrate, symbolically, their fears, fantasies, and defenses; although not identical, this technique, in children, is analogous to the aim of free association in adults. Psychoanalytic play therapy allows the child and analyst to understand childrens’ conflicts, particularly defenses such as disobedience and withdrawal, that have been guarding against various unpleasant feelings and hostile wishes.

Psychoanalytic constructs fit with constructs of other more structured therapies, and Firestone (2002) thinks psychotherapy should have more depth and involve both psychodynamic and cognitive-behavioral approaches. For example, Corey states that Albert Ellis, the founder of Rational Emotive Behavioral Therapy (REBT), would allow his clients to experience depression over a loss, since such an emotion would be rational—often people will be irrational and deny their feelings.

In art therapy, the counselor may have a child draw a portrait and then tell a story about the portrait. The counselor watches for recurring themes — regardless of whether it is with art or toys.

Template:Repetition Psychoanalysis has been criticized on a variety of grounds by

and others. Exchanges between critics and defenders of psychoanalysis have often been so heated that they have come to be characterized as the Freud Wars.

Popper argues that psychoanalysis is a pseudo-science because its claims are not testable and cannot be refuted, that is, they are not falsifiable.^[5] For example, if a client’s reaction was not consistent with the psychosexual theory then an alternate explanation would be given (e.g. defense mechanisms, reaction formation).

Kraus was the subject of two books written by noted libertarian author Thomas Szasz. Karl Kraus and the Soul Doctors and Anti-Freud: Karl Kraus’s Criticism of Psychoanalysis and Psychiatry portrayed Kraus as a harsh critic of Sigmund Freud and of psychoanalysis in general. Other commentators, such as Edward Timms (Karl Kraus – Apocalyptic Satirist) have argued that Kraus respected Freud, though with reservations about the application of some of his theories, and that his views were far less black-and-white than Szasz suggests.

Grünbaum argues that psychoanalytic based theories are falsifiable, and in fact are false. Other schools of psychology have produced alternative methods for psychotherapy, including behavior therapy, cognitive therapy, Gestalt therapy and person-centered psychotherapy.

Hans Eysenck determined that improvement was no greater than spontaneous remission. Between 2/3 and 3/4 of “neurotics” would recover naturally; this was no different from therapy clients. Prioleau, Murdock, Brody reviewed several therapy-outcome studies and determined that psychotherapy is no different than placebo controls.

Michel Foucault, and similarly Gilles Deleuze, noted that the institution of psychoanalysis has become a center of power, with its confessional techniques being the same of the Christian tradition.^[6]

Due to the wide variety of psychoanalytic theories, varying schools of psychoanalysis often internally criticize each other. One consequence is that some critics offer criticism of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis while not rejecting other premises of psychoanalysis. Defenders of psychoanalysis argue that many critics (such as feminist critics of Freud) have attempted to offer criticisms of psychoanalysis that were in fact only criticisms of specific ideas present only in one or more theories, rather than in all of psychoanalysis. As the psychoanalytic researcher Drew Westen puts it, “Critics have typically focused on a version of psychoanalytic theory—circa 1920 at best—that few contemporary analysts find compelling…In so doing, however, they have set the terms of the public debate and have led many analysts, I believe mistakenly, down an indefensible path of trying to defend a 75 to 100-year-old version of a theory and therapy that has changed substantially since Freud laid its foundations at the turn of the century.” link to Westen article.

An early and important criticism of psychoanalysis was that its theories were based on little quantitative and experimental research, and instead relied almost exclusively on the clinical case study method. In comparison, brief psychotherapy approaches such as behavior therapy and cognitive therapy have shown much more concern for empirical validation (Morley et al. 1999). Some even accused Freud of fabrication, most famously in the case, and miraculous cure of Anna O. (Borch-Jacobsen 1996).

An increasing amount of empirical research from academic psychologists and psychiatrists has begun to address this criticism.

A survey of scientific research showed that while personality traits corresponding to Freud’s oral, anal, Oedipal, and genital phases can be observed, they cannot be observed as stages in the development of children, nor can it be confirmed that such traits in adults result from childhood experiences (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977, p. 399). However, these stages should not be viewed as crucial to modern psychoanalysis. What is crucial to modern psychoanalytic theory and practice is the power of the unconscious and the transference phenomenon.

Some claim the idea of “unconscious” is contested because human behavior can be observed while human psychology has to be guessed at. However, the unconscious is now a hot topic of study at the undergraduate and graduate level in the fields of experimental and social psychology (e.g., implicit attitude measures, fMRI, and PET scans, and other indirect tests). One would be hard pressed to find scientists who still think of the mind as a “black box”. Presently, the field of psychology has embraced the study of things outside one’s awareness. Even strict behaviorists acknowledge that a vast amount of classical conditioning is unconscious and that this has profound effects on our emotional life. The idea of unconscious, and the transference phenomenon, have been widely researched and, it is claimed, validated in the fields of cognitive psychology and social psychology, though such claims are also contested. Recent developments in neuroscience have resulted in one side arguing that it has provided a biological basis for unconscious emotional processing in line with psychoanalytic theory, while the other side argues that such findings make psychoanalytic theory obsolete and irrelevant.

E. Fuller Torrey, considered by some to be a leading American psychiatrist, writing in Witchdoctors and Psychiatrists (1986) stated that psychoanalytic theories have no more scientific basis than the theories of traditional native healers, “witchdoctors” or modern “cult” alternatives such as est (p. 76). In fact, an increasing number of scientists regard psychoanalysis as a pseudoscience (Cioffi, 1998).

Among philosophers, Karl Popper argued that Freud’s theory of the unconscious was not falsifiable and therefore not scientific.^[5] Popper did not object to the idea that some mental processes could be unconscious but to investigations of the mind that were not falsifiable. In other words, if it were possible to connect every conceivable experimental outcome with Freud’s theory of the unconscious mind, then no experiment could refute the theory.

Anthropologist Roy Wagner in his classic work The Invention of Culture ridicules psychoanalysis and tries to account for personality and emotional disorder in terms of invention and convention.^[7]

Some proponents of psychoanalysis suggest that its concepts and theories are more akin to those found in the humanities than those proper to the physical and biological/medical sciences, though Freud himself tried to base his clinical formulations on a hypothetical neurophysiology of energy transformations. For example, the philosopher Paul Ricoeur argued that psychoanalysis can be considered a type of textual interpretation or hermeneutics. Like cultural critics and literary scholars, Ricoeur contended, psychoanalysts spend their time interpreting the nuances of language — the language of their patients. Ricoeur claimed that psychoanalysis emphasizes the polyvocal or many-voiced qualities of language, focusing on utterances that mean more than one thing. Ricoeur classified psychoanalysis as a hermeneutics of suspicion. By this he meant that psychoanalysis searches for deception in language, and thereby destabilizes our usual reliance on clear, obvious meanings.

Psychoanalysts have often complained about the significant lack of theoretical agreement among analysts of different schools. Many authors have attempted to integrate the various theories, with limited success. However, with the publication of the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual much of this lack of cohesion has been resolved.

The philosopher Jacques Derrida incorporated certain aspects of psychoanalytic theory into his practice of deconstruction in order to question what he called the ‘metaphysics of presence‘ or ‘self-presence’. This was the defining trait (for Derrida) of traditional metaphysics, namely its assumption that the meaning of utterances can be pinned down and made fully evident to consciousness, perhaps most evident in Descartes‘ conception of ‘clear and distinct ideas’. Derrida is here influenced by Freud (among others such as Marx and Nietzsche). For instance, Freud’s insistence, in the first chapter of The Ego and the Id, that philosophers will recoil from his theory of the unconscious is clearly a forbearer to Derrida’s understanding of metaphysical ‘self-presence’. However, Derrida goes on to turn certain of these practices against Freud himself, in order (in Derrida’s typical manner) to reveal tensions and contradictions in Freud’s work which are nonetheless the very conditions upon which it can operate – its simultaneous conditions of possibility and impossibility. For instance, although Freud will define religion and metaphysics as a displacement of the identification with the father in the resolution of the Oedipal complex (e.g. in The Ego and The Id and Totem and Taboo) Derrida will insist (for instance in The Postcard) that the prominence of the father in Freud’s own analysis is at the same time indebted to and an example of the prominence given to the father in Western metaphysics and theology since Plato. Thus (in a similar manner to that in which Levi-Strauss reads Freud’s understanding of the Oedipal complex as but another version of the Oedipus myth), Derrida understands Freud as remaining partly within that theologico-metaphysical tradition (‘phallologocentrism’ Derrida helpfully calls it) which Freud nonetheless criticizes. However, the purpose of Derrida’s analysis is not to refute Freud per se (which would only be to reaffirm traditional metaphysics), but rather to reveal an aporia (an undecidability) at the very heart of Freud’s project. Such a ‘deconstruction’ (or indeed psychoanalysis) of Freud does tend to cast doubt upon the possibility of delimiting psychoanalysis as a rigorous science. However, in doing so it celebrates and pledges a critical allegiance to that side of Freud which emphasises the open-ended and improvisatory nature of psychoanalysis, and its (methodical and ethical) demand (for instance in the opening chapters of the Interpretation of Dreams) that the testimony of the analysand should be given prominence in the practice of analysis.

Psychoanalysis, or at least the dominant version of it, has been denounced as patriarchal or phallocentric by proponents of feminist theory. Other feminist scholars appreciate how Freud opened up society to female sexuality.

A few of the most influential psychoanalysts and theorists, philosophers and literary critics who were or are influenced by psychoanlaysis include:

Specific

General

• International dictionary of psychoanalysis : [enhanced American version], ed. by Alain de Mijolla, 3 vls., Detroit [etc.] : Thomson/Gale, 2005
• Jean Laplanche et J.B. Pontalis: “The Language of Psycho-Analysis”, Editeur: W. W. Norton & Company, 1974, ISBN 0-393-01105-4
• John Kafka: “Multiple Realities in Clinical Practice”, Publisher: Yale University Press, 1989, ISBN 0-300-04350-3
• Pierre Fédida: “Dictionary of Psychoanalysis”, Publisher: French & European Pubns; 2nd edition 1988, Language: English, ISBN 0-8288-2215-8
• Berman, J. (2003). [Review of the book The writing cure: How expressive writing promotes health and well-being.] Psychoanalytic Psychology, 20(3), 575-578.
• Brenner, C. (1954). An elementary textbook of psychoanalysis.
• John Steiner: Psychic Retreats, Publisher: Routledge; 1993, ISBN 0-415-09924-2
• Corey, G. (2001). Theory and practice of counseling and psychotherapy. (6th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Thompson Learning
• Hanna Segal (2003). : The Work of Hanna Segal: A Kleinian Approach to Clinical Practice (Classical Psychoanalysis and Its Applications). Jason Aronson, 1993), ISBN 0-87668-422-3
• Seymour Fisher, The Scientific Credibility of Freud’s Theories and Therapy, Columbia University Press (1985), trade paperback, ISBN 0-231-06215-X
• Sabina Spielrein : “Destruction as cause of becoming”, 1993, Template:OCLC
• Robert Stoller : “Presentations of Gender”, Yale University Press, 1992, ISBN 0-300-05474-2
• Edith Jacobson : “Depression; Comparative Studies of Normal, Neurotic, and Psychotic Conditions”, Publisher: International Universities Press, 1976, ISBN 0-8236-1195-7
• Firestone, R.W. (2002). “The death of psychoanalysis and depth therapy.” [Electronic version]. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, and Training, 39(3), 223-232.
• Rene Spitz : “The First Year of Life: Psychoanalytic Study of Normal and Deviant Development of Object Relations”, Publisher: International Universities Press, 2006, ISBN 0-8236-8056-8
• Otto Kernberg : “Severe Personality Disorders: Psychotherapeutic”, Publisher: Yale University Press; edition 1993, ISBN 0-300-05349-5
• Kramer, Peter D., Listening to Prozac: A Psychiatrist Explores Antidepressant Drugs and the Remaking of the Self ISBN 0-670-84183-8.
• Herbert A Rosenfeld: * “Impasse and Interpretation: Therapeutic and Anti-Therapeutic Factors in the Psycho-Analytic Treatment of Psychotic, Borderline, and Neurotic Patients”, Publisher: Tavistock Publications, 1987, ISBN 0-422-61010-0
• Luhrmann, T.M., Of Two Minds: The Growing Disorder in American Psychiatry ISBN 0-679-42191-2.
• André Green : “Psychoanalysis: A Paradigm For Clinical Thinking” Publisher: Free Association Books, 2005, ISBN 1-85343-773-5
• Thomson, C.L, Rudolph L.B., & Henderson, D. (2004). Counseling children (6th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Thompson.
• Tori, C.D. & Blimes, M. (Fall 2002). Cross-cultural and Psychoanalytic Psychology: The Validation of defense measure in an Asian population. [Electronic version]. Psychoanalytic psychology, 19(4), 701-421.
• Jose Bleger “Symbiosis and Ambiguity: The Psychoanalysis of Very Early Development”, Publisher: Free Association Books, 1990, ISBN 1-85343-134-6
• Psychoanalytic Theory: An Introduction, by Anthony Elliott, an introduction that explains psychoanalytic theory with interpretations of major theorists.
• Harold F Searles : “Collected Papers on Schizophrenia and Related Subjects”, Publisher: International Universities Press, 1966, ISBN 0-8236-0980-4
• Heinz Kohut : “Analysis of the Self: Systematic Approach to Treatment of Narcissistic Personality Disorders”, Publisher: International Universities Press, 2000, ISBN 0-8236-8002-9
• The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason, by Ernest Gellner. A critical view of Freudian theory. ISBN 0-8101-1370-8
• Mitchell, S. & Black, M. (1995). Freud and Beyond: A History of Modern Psychoanalytic Thought, ISBN 0-465-01405-4
• Donald Meltzer The Kleinian Development (New edition), Publisher: Karnac Books; Reprint edition 1998, ISBN 1-85575-194-1
• Donald Meltzer : “Dream-Life: A Re-Examination of the Psycho-Analytical Theory and Technique” Publisher: Karnac Books, 1983, ISBN 0-902965-17-4
• Heinrich Racker : Transference and Counter-Transference, International Universities Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8236-8323-0
• Donald Winnicott : “Playing and Reality”, Publisher: Routledge; edition 2005, ISBN 0-415-34546-4
• Walter Bromberg, M.D.
  • “The Mind of Man: The Story of Man’s Conquest of Mental Illness”, 1938.
  • “The The Mind of Man. A History of Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis”, 1954.
  • “From Shaman to Psychotherapist: A History of the Treatment of Mental Illness”, 1976.
• Stefano Bolognini: “Like wind, like wave – An Italian psychoanalyst and raconteur reflects insightfully on life and the common experiences that make us human”, Other Press Books, 2006, ISBN 1-59051-179-4
• Stefano Bolognini: “Psychoanalytic Empathy”, Free Association Books, London, 2004
• George Devereux, [ed.], “Psychoanalysis and the Occult”, New York, International Universities Press, 1953.
• Calvin S. Hall, A Primer of Freudian Psychology, Publisher: The World Publishing Company; and Mentor Books via The New American Library, 1954

• Aziz, Robert (2007). The Syndetic Paradigm: The Untrodden Path Beyond Freud and Jung. Albany: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-6982-8.
• Borch-Jacobsen, M (1996). Remembering Anna O: A century of mystification London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-91777-8
• Cioffi, F. (1998). Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience, Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN 0-8126-9385-X
• Erwin, Edward, A Final Accounting: Philosophical and Empirical Issues in Freudian Psychology ISBN 0-262-05050-1
• Fisher S., Greenberg R. P. (1977). The Scientific Credibility of Freud’s Theories and Therapy. New York: Basic Books.
• Fisher S, Greenberg R. P. (1996). Freud Scientifically Reappraised: Testing the Theories and Therapy. New York: John Wiley.
• Gellner, Ernest, The Psychoanalytic Movement: The Cunning of Unreason. A critical view of Freudian theory, ISBN 0-8101-1370-8
• Grünbaum, Adolf (1979), Is Freudian Psychoanalytic Theory Pseudo-Scientific by Karl Popper’s Criterion of Demarcation? American Philosophical Quarterly, 16, 131-141.
• Grünbaum, Adolf (1985) The Foundations of Psychoanalysis: A Philosophical Critique ISBN 0-520-05017-7
• Loftus, Elizabeth F. & Ketcham, K. (1994) The Myth of Repressed Memory. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
• Macmillan, Malcolm, Freud Evaluated: The Completed Arc ISBN 0-262-63171-7
• Morley S, Eccleston C, Williams A. (1999) Systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials of cognitive behaviour therapy and behaviour therapy for chronic pain in adults, excluding headache. Pain, 80(1-2), 1-13.
• Webster R. (1995). Why Freud was wrong, New York: Basic Books, Harper Collins. ISBN 0-465-09128-8
• [5] Skeptic’s dictionary entry on psychoanalysis
• [6] Skeptic’s dictionary entry on repressed memory

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Look up psychoanalysis in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• PSY-LOG: The Psychoanalytic Web Directory
• A Glossary of Freudian Terms
• Abstracts of the Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud
• The American Psychoanalytic Association
• Australian Psychoanalytical Society (component of IPA)
• Boston Graduate School of Psychoanalysis
• Canadian Psychoanalytic Society
• Columbia University Center for Psychoanalytic Training and Research
• Division 39 (Psychoanalysis) of the American Psychological Association — Outreach Program
• The International Association for Relational Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy
• International Journal of Psychoanalysis
• Institute of Contemporary Psychoanalysis
• International Network of Freud Critics
• International Psychoanalytical Association
• Psychoanalysis Arena – Psychoanalysis Books and Journals
• International Psychoanalytical Studies Organization
• Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association online
• Lacan Dot Com
• London Centre for Psychotherapy
• Manhattan Institute for Psychoanalysis
• New Center for Psychoanalysis (Los Angeles)
• NYU Postdoctoral Program in Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis
• National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis
• New York Freudian Society
• The New York Psychoanalytic Society & Institute
• Psychoanalysis Downunder – online journal of APAS
• Psychoanalysis – Techniques and Practice – provides teachings on theory and practice of psychoanalysis, including online courses.
• PSYCHOMEDIA The First Italian Portal on Psychiatry Psychology Psychoanalysis Psychotherapy
• The San Francisco Psychoanalytical Society and Institute
• The Seattle Psychoanalytic Society and Institute
• Sigmund Freud – Life and Work
• William Alanson White Institute

• Benjamin, J. (1995). Recognition and destruction: An outline of intersubjectivity
• Boesky, D. (2005). Psychoanalytic controversies contextualized
• Boston Process of Change Study Group. (2005). The “something more” than interpretation
• Brenner, C. (1992). The mind as conflict and compromise formation
• Eagle, M. (1984). Developmental deficit versus dynamic conflict
• Gill, M. (1984). Psychoanalysis and psychotherapy: A revision
• Kernberg, O. (2000). Psychoanalysis, psychoanalytic psychotherapy and supportive psychotherapy: contemporary controversies
• Mitchell, Stephen A. (1984). Object relations theories and the developmental tilt
• Rubinstein, B. (1975). On the clinical psychoanalytic theory and its role in the inference and confirmation of particular clinical hypotheses
• Schwartz, W. (2001) Ordinary Language Essentials of Clinical Psychoanalytic Theory

• Blatt, S. & Shahar, G. (2004). Psychoanalysis: With whom, for what, and how? Comparisons with psychotherapy
• Brakel, L. (2005). The psychoanalytic assumption of the primary process: Extrapsychoanalytic evidence and findings
• Fonagy, P. (1997). Attachment, the development of the self, and its pathology in personality disorders
• Freedman, N, Lasky, R., & Hurvich, M. (2001). Transformation Cycles as Organizers of Psychoanalytic Process: The Method of Sequential Specification
• Freud, Sigmund (1920). Dream Psychology: Psychoanalysis for Beginners
• Masling, J. (1999). An Evaluation of Empirical Research Linked to Psychoanalytic Theory
• Shaver, P. & Mikulincer, M. (2002). Attachment-Related Psychodynamics.
• Solms, M. (1999). The Interpretation of Dreams and the neurosciences
• Wallerstein, R. (2002). Psychoanalytic Therapy Research: An Overview
• Westen, D. (1999). The scientific status of unconscious processes: Is Freud really dead?
• Westen, D. Towards a clinically and empirically sound theory of motivation
• Wilczek, A. et al. (2005). Change after long term psychoanalytic psychotherapy
• Bulletin of the Psychoanalytic Research Society
• Psychoanalytic Research Consortium

• Unfree Associations Inside Psychoanalytic Institutes by Douglas Kirsner

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Behaviorism or Behaviourism, also called the learning perspective, is a philosophy of psychology based on the proposition that all things which organisms do — including acting, thinking and feeling—can and should be regarded as behaviors.^[1] The school of psychology maintains that behaviors as such can be described scientifically without recourse either to internal physiological events or to hypothetical constructs such as the mind.^[2] Behaviorism comprises the position that all theories should have observational correlates but that there are no philosophical differences between publicly observable processes (such as actions) and privately observable processes (such as thinking and feeling).^[3]

From early psychology in the 19th century, the behaviorist school of thought ran concurrently and shared commonalities with the psychoanalytic and Gestalt movements in psychology into the 20th century; but also differed from the mental philosophy of the Gestalt psychologists in critical ways. Its main influences were Ivan Pavlov, who investigated classical conditioning, Edward Lee Thorndike, John B. Watson who rejected introspective methods and sought to restrict psychology to experimental methods, and B.F. Skinner who conducted research on operant conditioning. ^[3]

There is no classification generally agreed upon, but some titles given to the various branches of behaviorism include:

• Classical: The behaviorism of Watson; the objective study of behavior; no mental life, no internal states; thought is covert speech.
• Methodological: The objective study of third-person behavior; the data of psychology must be inter-subjectively verifiable; no theoretical prescriptions. It has been absorbed into general experimental and cognitive psychology.
• Radical: Skinner’s behaviorism; is considered radical since it expands behavioral principles to processes within the organism; in contrast to methodological behaviorism; not mechanistic or reductionist; hypothetical (mentalistic) internal states are not considered causes of behavior, phenomena must be observable at least to the individual experiencing them. Willard Van Orman Quine used many of radical behaviorism’s ideas in his study of knowing and language.
• Logical: Established by Oxford philosopher Gilbert Ryle in his book The Concept of Mind (1949).
• Teleological: Post-Skinnerian, purposive, close to microeconomics.
• Theoretical: Post-Skinnerian, accepts observable internal states (“within the skin” once meant “unobservable”, but with modern technology we are not so constrained); dynamic, but eclectic in choice of theoretical structures, emphasizes parsimony.
• Biological: Post-Skinnerian, centered on perceptual and motor modules of behavior, theory of behavior systems.
• Inter behaviorism: Founded by J. R. Kantor before Skinner’s writings and currently worked by L. Hayes; E. Ribes; and S. Bijou. centered in the inter behavior of organisms, field theory of behavior; emphasis on human behavior.

Two popular subtypes are Neo: Hullian and post-Hullian, theoretical, group data, not dynamic, physiological, and Purposive: Tolman’s behavioristic anticipation of cognitive psychology.

Skinner, who carried out experimental work mainly in comparative psychology from the 1930s to the 1950s, but remained behaviorism’s best known theorist and exponent virtually until his death in 1990, developed a distinct kind of behaviorist philosophy, which came to be called radical behaviorism. He is credited with having founded a new version of psychological science, which has come to be called behavior analysis or the experimental analysis of behavior after variations on the subtitle to his 1938 work The Behavior of Organisms: An Experimental Analysis Of Behavior.

B.F Skinner was influential in defining radical behaviorism, a philosophy codifying the basis of his school of research (named the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, or EAB.) While EAB differs from other approaches to behavioral research on numerous methodological and theoretical points, radical behaviorism departs from methodological behaviorism most notably in accepting treatment of feelings, states of mind and introspection as existent and scientifically treatable. This is done by identifying them as something non-dualistic, and here Skinner takes a divide-and-conquer approach, with some instances being identified with bodily conditions or behavior, and others getting a more extended ‘analysis’ in terms of behavior. However, radical behaviorism stops short of identifying feelings as causes of behavior.^[1] Among other points of difference were a rejection of the reflex as a model of all behavior and a defense of a science of behavior complementary to but independent of physiology. Radical behaviorism has considerable overlap with other western philosophical positions such as American pragmatism ^[4]

This essentially philosophical position gained strength from the success of Skinner’s early experimental work with rats and pigeons, summarized in his books The Behavior of Organisms^[5] and Schedules of Reinforcement.^[6] Of particular importance was his concept of the operant response, of which the canonical example was the rat’s lever-press. In contrast with the idea of a physiological or reflex response, an operant is a class of structurally distinct but functionally equivalent responses. For example, while a rat might press a lever with its left paw or its right paw or its tail, all of these responses operate on the world in the same way and have a common consequence. Operants are often thought of as species of responses, where the individuals differ but the class coheres in its function–shared consequences with operants and reproductive success with species. This is a clear distinction between Skinner’s theory and S-R theory.

Skinner’s empirical work expanded on earlier research on trial-and-error learning by researchers such as Thorndike and Guthrie with both conceptual reformulations – Thorndike’s notion of a stimulus-response ‘association’ or ‘connection’ was abandoned – and methodological ones – the use of the ‘free operant’, so called because the animal was now permitted to respond at its own rate rather than in a series of trials determined by the experimenter procedures. With this method, Skinner carried out substantial experimental work on the effects of different schedules and rates of reinforcement on the rates of operant responses made by rats and pigeons. He achieved remarkable success in training animals to perform unexpected responses, and to emit large numbers of responses, and to demonstrate many empirical regularities at the purely behavioral level. This lent some credibility to his conceptual analysis. It is largely his conceptual analysis that made his work much more rigorous than his peers, a point which can be seen clearly in his seminal work Are Theories of Learning Necessary? in which he criticizes what he viewed to be theoretical weaknesses then common in the study of psychology. An important descendant of the experimental analysis of behavior is the Society for Quantitative Analysis of Behavior.^[7]

As Skinner turned from experimental work to concentrate on the philosophical underpinnings of a science of behavior, his attention turned to human language with Verbal Behavior^[8] and other language-related publications;^[9] Verbal Behavior laid out a vocabulary and theory for functional analysis of verbal behavior, and was strongly criticized in a review by Noam Chomsky.^[10] Skinner did not respond in detail but claimed that Chomsky failed to understand his ideas,^[11] and the disagreements between the two and the theories involved have been further discussed.^[12][13]

What was important for a behaviorist’s analysis of human behavior was not language acquisition so much as the interaction between language and overt behavior. In an essay republished in his 1969 book Contingencies of Reinforcement,^[14] Skinner took the view that humans could construct linguistic stimuli that would then acquire control over their behavior in the same way that external stimuli could. The possibility of such “instructional control” over behavior meant that contingencies of reinforcement would not always produce the same effects on human behavior as they reliably do in other animals. The focus of a radical behaviorist analysis of human behavior therefore shifted to an attempt to understand the interaction between instructional control and contingency control, and also to understand the behavioral processes that determine what instructions are constructed and what control they acquire over behavior.

Skinner’s view of behavior is most often characterized as a “molecular” view of behavior, that is each behavior can be decomposed into atomistic parts or molecules. This view is inaccurate when one considers his complete description of behavior as delineated in the 1981 article, Selection by Consequences and many other works. Skinner claims that a complete account of behavior has involved an understanding of selection history at three levels: biology (the natural selection or phylogeny of the animal); behavior (the reinforcement history or ontogeny of the behavioral repertoire of the animal); and for some species, culture (the cultural practices of the social group to which the animal belongs). This whole organism, with all those histories, then interacts with its environment. He often described even his own behavior as a product of his phylogenetic history, his reinforcement history (which includes the learning of cultural practices) interacting with the environment at the moment. Molar behaviorists, such as Howard Rachlin argue that behavior can not be understood by focusing on events in the moment. That is, they argue that a behavior can be understood best in terms of the ultimate cause of history and that molecular behaviorist are committing a fallacy by inventing a fictitious proximal cause for behavior. Molar behaviorists argue that standard molecular constructs such as “associative strength” are such fictitious proximal causes that simply take the place of molar variables such as rate of reinforcement.^[15] Thus, a molar behaviorist would define a behavior such as loving someone as exhibiting a pattern of loving behavior over time, there is no known proximal cause of loving behavior, only a history of behaviors (of which the current behavior might be an example of) that can be summarized as love. Molectular behaviorists use notions from Melioration theory, Negative power function discounting or additive versions of negative power function discounting.^[16]

Behaviorism is a psychological movement that can be compared with philosophy of mind. The basic premise of radical behaviorism is that the study of behavior should be a natural science, such as chemistry or physics, without any reference to hypothetical inner states of organisms as causes for their behavior. A modern example of such analysis would be Fantino and colleagues work on behavioral approaches to reasoning.^[17] Other varieties, such as theoretical behaviorism, permit internal states, but do not require them to be mental or have any relation to subjective experience. Behaviorism takes a functional view of behavior.

There are points of view within analytic philosophy that have called themselves, or have been called by others, behaviorist. In logical behaviorism (as held, e.g., by Rudolf Carnap and Carl Hempel), the meaning of psychological statements are their verification conditions, which consist of performed overt behavior. W. V. Quine made use of a type of behaviorism, influenced by some of Skinner’s ideas, in his own work on language. Gilbert Ryle defended a distinct strain of philosophical behaviorism, sketched in his book The Concept of Mind. Ryle’s central claim was that instances of dualism frequently represented ‘category mistakes,’ and hence that they were really misunderstandings of the use of ordinary language. Daniel Dennett likewise acknowledges himself to be a type of behaviorist.^[18]

It is sometimes argued that Ludwig Wittgenstein defended a behaviorist position, but while there are important relations between his thought and behaviorism, the claim that he was a behaviorist is quite controversial (e.g., the Beetle in a box argument). Mathematician Alan Turing is also sometimes considered a behaviorist, but he himself did not make this identification.

• Albert Bandura
• Edwin Ray Guthrie
• Richard J. Herrnstein
• Clark L. Hull
• Ivan Pavlov
• B. F. Skinner
• Edward Lee Thorndike
• Edward C. Tolman
• John B. Watson

• Animal training
• Applied behavior analysis
• Behavior modification
• Behavioural change theories

• Classical conditioning
• Cognition
• Cognitive revolution
• Dog behaviorist
• Experimental analysis of behavior
• Important publications in behaviorism

• Baum, W. M. (2005) Understanding behaviorism: Behavior, Culture and Evolution. Blackwell.
• Ferster, C. B., and Skinner, B. F. (1957). Schedules of reinforcement. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
• Mills, John A., Control: A History of Behavioral Psychology, Paperback Edition, New York University Press 2000
• Lattal, K.A and Chase, P.N. (2003) “Behavior Theory and Philosophy”. Plenum
• Plotnik, Rod. (2005) Introduction to Psychology. Thomson-Wadsworth (ISBN 0-534-63407-9)
• Rachlin, H. (1991) Introduction to modern behaviorism. (3rd edition.) New York: Freeman.
• Skinner, B.F., Beyond Freedom & Dignity, Hackett Publishing Co, Inc 2002
• Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
• Skinner, B. F. (1945). The operational analysis of psychological terms. Psychological Review. 52, 270-277, 290-294.
• Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and Human Behavior (ISBN 0-02-929040-6) Online version
• Skinner, B. F. (1957). Verbal behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
• Skinner, B. F. (1969). Contingencies of reinforcement: a theoretical analysis. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts
• Skinner, B. F. (1981). Selection by consequences. Science, 213, 501-514.
• Staddon, J. (2001) The new behaviorism: Mind, mechanism and society. Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press. Pp. xiii, 1-211.
• Watson, J. B. (1913). Psychology as the behaviorist views it. Psychological Review, 20, 158-177. (on-line)
• Watson, J. B. (1919). Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist
• Watson, J. B. (1924). Behaviorism
• Zuriff, G. E. (1985). Behaviorism: A Conceptual Reconstruction, Columbia University Press

• Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Behaviorism
• Books and Journal Articles On Behaviorism
• http://www.biozentrum.uni-wuerzburg.de/genetics/behavior/learning/behaviorism.html
• http://www.bfskinner.org
• http://www.behavior.org
• http://www.scienceofbehavior.com
• The Behaviorist Approach on LearnPsychology glossary
• http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Skinner/Theories
• Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry
• http://www.abainternational.org
• http://www.apa.org/divisions/div25/
• Association for Behavior Analysis
• behaviorMachine.com – Behavior Analysis for Everyone
• Theory of Behavioral Anthropology (Documents No. 9 and 10 in English)
• California Association for Behavior Analysis
• http://adultdevelopment.org/ Society for Research in Adult Development
• http://www.simplypsychology.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk/behaviourism.html Behaviourism Summary

bg:Бихевиоризъм ca:Conductisme cs:Behaviorismus da:Behaviorisme de:Behaviorismus et:Biheiviorism eo:Kondutismo ko:행동주의 hr:Biheviorizam id:Behaviorisme is:Atferlishyggja it:Comportamentismo he:ביהביוריזם lv:Biheiviorisms lt:Biheviorizmas nl:Behaviorisme no:Behaviorisme nn:Behaviorisme sl:Behaviorizem sr:Бихевиоризам sv:Behaviorism uk:Біхевіоризм

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In psychology, cognitivism is a theoretical approach in understanding the mind, which argues that mental function can be understood by quantitative, positivist and scientific methods, and that such functions can be described as information processing models.

Cognitivism has two major components, one methodological, the other theoretical. Methodologically, cognitivism adopts a positivist approach and the belief that psychology can be (in principle) fully explained by the use of experiment, measurement and the scientific method. This is also largely a reductionist goal, with the belief that individual components of mental function (the ‘cognitive architecture’) can be identified and meaningfully understood. The second is the belief that cognition consists of discrete, internal mental states (representations or symbols) whose manipulation can be described in terms of rules or algorithms.

Cognitivism became the dominant force in psychology in the late-20th century, replacing behaviorism as the most popular paradigm for understanding mental function. Cognitive psychology is not a wholesale refutation of behaviorism, but rather an expansion that accepts that mental states exist. This was due to the increasing criticism towards the end of the 1950s of behaviorist models. One of the most notable criticisms was Chomsky’s argument that language could not be acquired purely through conditioning, and must be at least partly explained by the existence of internal mental states.

The main issues that interest cognitive psychologists are the inner mechanisms of human thought and the processes of knowing. Cognitive psychologists have attempted to throw light on the alleged mental structures that stand in a causal relationship to our physical actions.

Cognitivism has been criticised in a number of ways.

Phenomenologists and hermeneutic philosophers have criticised the positivist approach of cognitivism for reducing individual meaning to what they perceive as measurements stripped of all significance. They argue that by representing experiences and mental functions as measurements, cognitivism is ignoring the context (cf contextualism) and, therefore, the meaning of these measurements. They believe that it is this personal meaning of experience gained from the phenomenon as it is experienced by a person (what Heidegger called being in the world) which is the fundamental aspect of our psychology that needs to be understood: therefore they argue that a context-free psychology is a contradiction in terms. They also argue in favour of holism: that positivist methods cannot be meaningfully used on something which is inherently irreducible to component parts. Hubert Dreyfus has been the most notable critic of cognitivism from this point of view. Humanistic psychology draws heavily on this philosophy, and practitioners have been among the most critical of cognitivism.

In the 1990s, various new theories emerged and challenged cognitivism and the idea that thought was best described as computation. Some of these new approaches, often influenced by phenomenological and post-modernist philosophy, include situated cognition, distributed cognition, dynamicism, embodied cognition. Some thinkers working in the field of artificial life (for example Rodney Brooks) have also produced non-cognitivist models of cognition.

The idea that mental functions can be described as information processing models has been criticised by philosopher John Searle and mathematician Roger Penrose who both argue that computation has some inherent shortcomings which cannot capture the fundamentals of mental processes.

• Penrose uses Gödel’s incompleteness theorem (which states that there are mathematical truths which can never be proven in a sufficiently strong mathematical system; any sufficiently strong system of axioms will also be incomplete) and Turing’s halting problem (which states that there are some things which are inherently non-computable) as evidence for his position.
• Searle has developed two arguments, the first (well known through his Chinese Room thought experiment) is the ‘syntax is not semantics‘ argument—that a program is just syntax, understanding requires semantics, therefore programs (hence cognitivism) cannot explain understanding. It should be noted that such an argument presupposes the controversial notion of a private language. The second, which Searle now prefers but is less well known, is his ‘syntax is not physics’ argument—nothing in the world is intrinsically a computer program except as applied, described or interpreted by an observer, so either everything can be described as a computer and trivially a brain can but then this does not explain any specific mental processes, or there is nothing intrinsic in a brain that makes it a computer (program). Detractors of this argument might point out that the same thing could be said about any concept-object relation, and that the brain-computer analogy can be a perfectly useful model if there is a strong isomorphism between the two. Both points, Searle claims, refute cognitivism.

Another argument against cognitivism is the problems of Ryle’s Regress or the homunculus fallacy. Cognitivists have offered a number of arguments to refute these attacks.

• Cognition
• Cognitive psychology
• Cognitive science
• Computationalism
• Consciousness
• Critical psychology
• Educational psychology
• Enactivism
• Phenomenology
• Symbol grounding
• Important publications in cognitivism

• Costall, A. and Still, A. (eds) (1987) Cognitive Psychology in Question. Brighton: Harvester Press Ltd. ISBN 0-7108-1057-1
• Searle, J. R. Is the brain a digital computer APA Presidential Address
• Wallace, B ., Ross, A., Davies, J.B., and Anderson T., (eds) (2007) The Mind, the Body and the World: Psychology after Cognitivism. London: Imprint Academic. ISBN 978-1845400736

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Template:Psychology Template:Neuropsychology Cognitive psychology is a school of thought in psychology that examines internal mental processes such as problem solving, memory, and language. It had its foundations in the Gestalt psychology of Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Köhler, and Kurt Koffka, and in the work of Jean Piaget, who provided a theory of stages/phases that describe children’s cognitive development. Cognitive psychologists are interested in how people understand, diagnose, and solve problems, concerning themselves with the mental processes which mediate between stimulus and response. Cognitive theory contends that solutions to problems take the form of algorithms—rules that are not necessarily understood but promise a solution, or heuristics—rules that are understood but that do not always guarantee solutions. In other instances, solutions may be found through insight, a sudden awareness of relationships.

Ulric Neisser coined the term ‘cognitive psychology’ in his book published in 1967 (Cognitive Psychology), wherein Neisser provides a definition of cognitive psychology characterizing people as dynamic information-processing systems whose mental operations might be described in computational terms. Also emphasising that it is a point of view which postulates the mind as having a certain conceptual structure. Neisser’s point of view endows the discipline a scope which expands beyond high-level concepts such as “reasoning”, often espoused in other works as a definition of cognitive psychology. Neisser’s definition of cognition illustrates this well:

…the term “cognition” refers to all processes by which the sensory input is transformed, reduced, elaborated, stored, recovered, and used. It is concerned with these processes even when they operate in the absence of relevant stimulation, as in images and hallucinations… Given such a sweeping definition, it is apparent that cognition is involved in everything a human being might possibly do; that every [1]psychological phenomenon is a cognitive phenomenon. But although cognitive psychology is concerned with all human activity rather than some fraction of it, the concern is from a particular point of view. Other viewpoints are equally legitimate and necessary. Dynamic psychology, which begins with motives rather than with sensory input, is a case in point. Instead of asking how a man’s actions and experiences result from what he saw, remembered, or believed, the dynamic psychologist asks how they follow from the subject’s goals, needs, or instincts.

Cognitive psychology is radically different from previous psychological approaches in two key ways.

• It accepts the use of the scientific method, and generally rejects introspection as a valid method of investigation, unlike symbol-driven approaches such as Freudian psychology.
• It explicitly acknowledges the existence of internal mental states (such as belief, desire and motivation) unlike behaviorist psychology.

The school of thought arising from this approach is known as cognitivism.

Cognitive psychology is one of the more recent additions to psychological research, having only developed as a separate area within the discipline since the late 1950s and early 1960s (though there are examples of cognitive thinking from earlier researchers). The cognitive approach was brought to prominence by Donald Broadbent‘s book Perception and Communication in 1958. Since that time, the dominant paradigm in the area has been the information processing model of cognition that Broadbent put forward. This is a way of thinking and reasoning about mental processes, envisioning them as software running on the computer that is the brain. Theories refer to forms of input, representation, computation or processing, and outputs. Applied to language as the primary mental knowledge representation system, cognitive psychology has exploited tree and network mental models. Its singular contribution to AI and psychology in general is the notion of a semantic network. One of the first cognitive psychologists, George Miller is well-known for dedicating his career to the development of WordNet, a semantic network for the English language. Development began in 1985 and is now the foundation for many machine ontologies.

This way of conceiving mental processes has pervaded psychology more generally over the past few decades, and it is not uncommon to find cognitive theories within social psychology, personality psychology, abnormal psychology, and developmental psychology; the application of cognitive theories to comparative psychology has driven many recent studies in animal cognition.

The information processing approach to cognitive functioning is currently being questioned by new approaches in psychology, such as dynamical systems, and the embodiment perspective.

Because of the use of computational metaphors and terminology, cognitive psychology was able to benefit greatly from the flourishing of research in artificial intelligence and other related areas in the 1960s and 1970s. In fact, it developed as one of the significant aspects of the inter-disciplinary subject of cognitive science, which attempts to integrate a range of approaches in research on the mind and mental processes.

Perception

• General perception
• Psychophysics
• Attention and Filter theories (the ability to focus mental effort on specific stimuli whilst excluding other stimuli from consideration)
• Pattern recognition (the ability to correctly interpret ambiguous sensory information)
• Object recognition
• Time sensation (awareness and estimation of the passage of time)

Categorization

• Category induction and acquisition
• Categorical judgement and classification
• Category representation and structure
• Similarity (psychology)

Memory

• Aging and memory
• Autobiographical memory
• Constructive memory
• Emotion and memory
• Episodic memory
• Eyewitness memory
• False memories
• Flashbulb memory
• List of memory biases
• Long-term memory
• Semantic memory
• Spaced repetition
• Source monitoring
• Working memory

Knowledge representation

• Mental imagery
• Propositional encoding
• Imagery versus proposition debate
• Dual-coding theories
• Mental models

Numerical cognition

Language

• Grammar and linguistics
• Phonetics and phonology
• Language acquisition

Thinking

• Choice (see also: Choice theory)
• Concept formation
• Decision making
• Judgment and decision making
• Logic, formal and natural reasoning
• Problem solving

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• John R. Anderson
• Alan Baddeley
• Frederic Bartlett
• Aaron T. Beck
• Donald Broadbent
• Jerome Bruner
• Fergus Craik
• Kenneth Craik
• Hermann Ebbinghaus
• Albert Ellis
• William Estes
• Keith Holyoak
• Marcia K. Johnson
• Philip Johnson-Laird

Template:Psychology Developmental psychology, also known as human development, is the scientific study of progressive psychological changes that occur in human beings as they age. Originally concerned with infants and children, the field has expanded to include adolescence and more recently, aging, and the entire life span. This field examines change across a broad range of topics including motor skills and other psycho-physiological processes, problem solving abilities, conceptual understanding, language acquisition, moral understanding, and identity formation.

Developmental psychologists investigate key questions, such as whether children are qualitatively different from adults or simply lack the experience that adults draw upon. Two important issues concern the nature of development. One concerns whether development occurs through the gradual accumulation of knowledge or through shifts from one stage of thinking to another. The other concerns whether children are born with innate knowledge or figure things out through experience. A third significant area of research examines social contexts that affect development.

Developmental psychology informs several applied fields, including: educational psychology, child psychopathology and forensic developmental psychology. Developmental psychology complements several other basic research fields in psychology including social psychology, cognitive psychology, cognitive development, and comparative psychology.

Many theoretical perspectives attempt to explain development; among the most prominent are: Jean Piaget‘s Stage Theory, Lev Vygotsky‘s Social Contextualism (and its heir, the Ecological Systems Theory of Urie Bronfenbrenner), and the information processing framework employed by cognitive psychology.

To a lesser extent, historical theories continue to provide a basis for additional research. Among them are Erik Erikson‘s eight stages of psychosocial development and John B. Watson‘s and B. F. Skinner‘s behaviorism. Many other theories are prominent for their contributions to particular aspects of development. For example, attachment theory describes kinds of interpersonal relationships and Lawrence Kohlberg describes stages in moral reasoning. Human development is also an area of study in education. One of the pioneers in defining the stages of human development was Robert J. Havighurst. His major contribution was defining the developmental tasks for six basic age groups.

A significant question in developmental psychology is the relation between innateness and environmental influence in regard to any particular aspect of development. This is often referred to as “nature versus nurture” or nativism versus empiricism. A nativist account of development would argue that the processes in question are innate, that is, they are specified by the organism’s genes. An empiricist perspective would argue that those processes are acquired in interaction with the environment. Today developmental psychologists rarely take such extreme positions with regard to most aspects of development; rather they investigate, among many other things, the relationship between innate and environmental influences. One of the ways in which this relationship has been explored in recent years is through the emerging field of evolutionary developmental psychology.

One area where this innateness debate has been prominently portrayed is in research on language acquisition. A major question in this area is whether or not certain properties of human language are specified genetically or can be acquired through learning. The nativist position argues that the input from language is too impoverished for infants and children to acquire the structure of language. Linguist Noam Chomsky asserts that, evidenced by the lack of sufficient information in the language input, there is a universal grammar that applies to all human languages and is pre-specified. This has led to the idea that there is a special cognitive module suited for learning language, often called the language acquisition device.

The empiricist position on the issue of language acquisition suggests that the language input does provide the necessary information required for learning the structure of language and that infants acquire language through a process of statistical learning. From this perspective, language can be acquired via general learning methods that also apply to other aspects of development, such as perceptual learning. There is a great deal of evidence for components of both the nativist and empiricist position, and this is a hotly debated research topic in developmental psychology.

On the other hand, Chomsky’s critique of a specific empiricist position on this issue, radical behaviorist Burrhus Frederic Skinner‘s Verbal Behavior written in 1957, is widely considered among developmental psychologists to have sparked the decline in influence of behaviorism and signaled the beginning of the cognitive revolution in psychology.

Developmental psychology is concerned not only with describing the characteristics of psychological change over time, but also seeks to explain the principles and internal workings underlying these changes. Understanding these factors is aided by the use of models. Developmental models are often computational, but they do not necessarily need to be. A model must simply account for the means by which a process takes place. This is sometimes done in reference to changes in the brain that may correspond to changes in behavior over the course of the development. Computational accounts of development often use either symbolic, connectionist (neural network), or dynamical systems models to explain the mechanisms of development.

The modern form of developmental psychology has its roots in the rich psychological tradition represented by Aristotle, Tabari,^[1] Rhazes,^[2] Alhazen,^[3] and Descartes. William Shakespeare had his melancholy character Jacques (in As You Like It) articulate the seven ages of man: these included three stages of childhood and four of adulthood. In the mid-eighteenth century Jean Jacques Rousseau described three stages of childhood: infans (infancy), puer (childhood) and adolescence in Emile: Or, On Education. Rousseau’s ideas were taken up strongly by educators at the time.

In the late nineteenth century, psychologists familiar with the evolutionary theory of Darwin began seeking an evolutionary description of psychological development; prominent here was G. Stanley Hall, who attempted to correlate ages of childhood with previous ages of mankind.

A more scientific approach was initiated by James Mark Baldwin, who wrote essays on topics that included Imitation: A Chapter in the Natural History of Consciousness and Mental Development in the Child and the Race: Methods and Processes. In 1905, Sigmund Freud articulated five psychosexual stages. Later, Rudolf Steiner articulated stages of psychological development throughout human life. The first three of these stages, which correspond closely with Piaget‘s later-described stages of childhood, were first presented in Steiner’s 1911 essay The Education of the Child. By the early to mid-twentieth century, the work of Vygotsky and Piaget, mentioned above, had established a strong empirical tradition in the field.

Traditionally mothers (and women generally) were emphasized to the exclusion of other caregivers. This has begun to change, with the emphasis now placed on a primary caregiver (regardless of gender or biological relation), as well as all persons directly or indirectly influencing the child (the family system). However, studies are showing that the role of the mother/father are more significant than first thought as we moved into the concept of primary caregiver.

Because the traditional role of the father was more the breadwinner, and less the direct caregiver of an infant, he has been traditionally viewed as impacting an infant indirectly through interactions with the mother of the child.

However, in a study published in Child Development May/June 2003, Volume 74, Number 3, Pages 801-821, Bruce J. Ellis, et al, found that presence of the natural father was the most significant factor in reducing rates of early sexual activity and rates of teenage pregnancy in girls. The study found that early father absent girls had the highest rates, with late father absent girls second, and with father present girls having the lowest rates of early sexual activity and preteen pregnancy. Covariate factors used included early conduct problems, maternal age at first childbirth, race, maternal education, father’s occupational status, family living standards, family life stress, early mother-child interaction, measures of psychosocial adjustment and educational achievement, school qualifications, mood disorder, anxiety disorder, suicide attempts, violent offending, and conduct disorder. With the single exception of GPA in the USA data set, all covariant factors were found to be dichotomous with respect to the father absence factor and the behavior studied through chi-squared analysis. Studies were conducted in the USA and New Zealand.

Studies [1] have shown that children as young as 15 months benefit significantly from substantial engagement with their father.

Fathers have a substantial impact on child academic performance. Studies found that “fathers in two-parent families and nonresident fathers who were moderately or highly involved in their children’s school had children who were significantly more likely than children with less involved fathers to receive mostly high marks, enjoy school, and never repeat a grade.” [2]

There is a strong link between a child who is fatherless and criminal activity by that child. In a study of mostly low-income African-American and Hispanic families, professor Rebekah Levine Coley, found that “Nonresident fathers in low-income, minority families appear to be an important protective factor for adolescents…Greater involvement from fathers may help adolescents develop self-control and self-competence, and may decrease the opportunities adolescents have to engage in problem behaviors.” [3]

“Children with active, involved fathers have better social skills, are healthier, and do better in school”, according to Duane Wilson, the Proud Fathers, Proud Parents program coordinator for the Department of Human Services in the State of Michigan. [4] (2:57)

Many critics of developmental psychology have noted that studies in the field often fail to account for the effects of genetics. In the book The Nurture Assumption, Judith Harris argues that situational factors in the family environment may not satisfactorily explain observed variation of many traits (such as adult IQ and the Big Five personality factors) in the general population of the United States; rather, Harris suggests that either peer groups or random environmental factors (i.e., those that are independent of family upbringing and socioeconomic status of origin, but not independent of genetics) are more important than family environmental effects ^{[4] [5]} The book was a 1999 Pulitzer Prize finalist.

The prenatal development of human beings is viewed in three separate stages:

1. Germinal (conception through week 2)
2. Embryonic (weeks 3 through 8)
3. Fetal (week 9 through birth)

These stages are not the same as the trimesters of a woman’s pregnancy.

The germinal stage begins when a sperm penetrates an egg in the act of conception (normally the result of sexual intercourse between a man and a woman). At this point a zygote is formed. Through the process of mitosis the cells divide and double.

The embryonic stage occurs once the zygote has firmly implanted itself into the uterine wall. It is in this stage that the vital organs are formed, and while the external body is still extremely dissimilar from an adult human, some features such as eyes and arms, and eventually ears and feet become recognizable.

The fetal period is when the brain most substantially forms, becoming more and more complex over the last few months.

During pregnancy the risk to the developing child from drugs and other teratogens, spousal abuse and other stress on the mother, nutrition and the age of the mother are quite acute.

Three methods of determining fetal defects and health include the ultrasound, amniocentesis, and chorionic villus sampling.

Ultrasound uses sound waves and a computer monitor, and is non-invasive, thus minimizing potential harm to fetus and mother. Unfortunately its ability to determine potential defect is also far less comprehensive than more risky methods.

Chorionic villus sampling is a form of prenatal diagnosis to determine genetic abnormalities in the fetus. It entails getting a sample of the chorionic villus (placental tissue) and testing it. It is generally carried out only on pregnant women over the age of 35 and those who have a higher risk of Down syndrome and other chromosomal conditions.

The advantage of CVS is that it can be carried out at 10-12 weeks of pregnancy, earlier than amniocentesis (which is carried out at 15-18 weeks). However, it is more risky than amniocentesis, with a 1 in 100 to 200 risk that it will cause a miscarriage.

Amniocentesis is another medical procedure used for prenatal diagnosis, in which a small amount of amniotic fluid is extracted from the amnion around a developing fetus. It is usually offered when there may be an increased risk for genetic conditions (i.e. Down syndrome, sickle-cell disease, cystic fibrosis, etc) in the pregnancy. Amniocentesis done in the second trimester is often said to have a risk of fetal death between about 1 in 400 and 1 in 200. Often, genetic counseling is done before amniocentesis, or other types of genetic testing, is offered.

Although difficult, some methods of treating fetal disorders have been developed, both surgical and drug based. Genetic testing prior to pregnancy is also increasingly available.

From birth until the onset of speech, the child is referred to as an infant. Developmental psychologists vary widely in their assessment of infant psychology, and the influence the outside world has upon it, but certain aspects are relatively clear.

While no agreement has yet been reached regarding the level of stimulation an infant requires, we are well aware that a normal level of stimulation is very important, and that a lack of stimulation and affection can result in retardation and a host of other developmental and social disorders. Some feel that classical music, particularly Mozart is good for an infant’s mind. While some tentative research has shown it to be helpful to older children, no conclusive evidence is available involving infants.

The majority of an infant’s time is spent in sleep. At first this sleep is evenly spread throughout the day and night, but after a couple of months, infants generally become diurnal.

Infants can be seen to have 6 states, grouped into pairs:

• quiet sleep and active sleep (dreaming, when REM occurs)
• quiet waking, and active waking
• fussing and crying

Infants respond to stimuli differently when in these different states. Habituation is frequently used in testing psychological phenomenon. Both infants and adults look less and less as a result of consistent exposure to a particular stimulus. The amount of time spent looking to a presented alternate stimulus (after habituation to the initial stimulus) is indicative of the strength of the remembered percept of the previous stimulus, or dishabituation.

Habituation is used to discover the resolution of perceptual systems, for example, by habituating a subject to one stimulus, and then observing responses to similar ones, one can detect the smallest degree of difference that is detectable by the subject.

Infants have a wide variety of reflexes, some of which are permanent (blinking, gagging), and others transient in nature. Some with obvious purposes, some are clearly vestigial and some do not have obvious purposes. Primitive reflexes reappear in adults under certain conditions. Namely, neurological conditions like dementia, traumatic lesions, etc. A partial list of infantile reflexes includes:

• Moro reflex or startle reflex:

1. Startle
2. spreading out the arms (abduction)
3. unspreading the arms (adduction)
4. Crying (usually)

• Tonic neck reflex or fencer’s reflex
• Rooting reflex, sucking reflex, suckling reflex: can be initiated by scratching the infant’s cheek; the reaction is pursing of the lips for sucking.
• Stepping reflex, step-up reflex: can be initiated if you support the infant upright from its armpits below a given surface so the baby lifts its foot and steps up on the surface (like climbing a stair).
• Grasp reflex: can be initiated by scratching the infant’s palm.
• Parachute reflex: the infant is suspended by the trunk and suddenly lowered as if falling for an instant. The child spontaneously throws out the arms as a protective mechanism. The parachute reflex appears before the onset of walking.
• Plantar reflex or Babinski reflex: a finger is stroked firmly down the outer edge of the baby’s sole; the toes spread and extend out.

Infants have significantly worse vision than older children. Infant sight, blurry in earl stages, improves over time. Infants less than 2 months old are thought to be color blind.

Hearing is well-developed prior to birth, however, and a preference for the mother’s heartbeat is well established. Infants are fairly good at detecting the direction from which a sound comes, and by 18 months their hearing ability is approximately equal to that of adults.

Smell and taste are present, with infants having been shown to prefer the smell and taste of a banana, while rejecting the taste of shrimp. There is good evidence for infants preferring the smell of their mother to that of others.

Infants have a fully developed sense of touch at birth, and the myth believed by some doctors even today that infants feel no pain is inaccurate. Doctors are slowly becoming aware of the need for pain prevention for newborns.

Piaget felt that there were several sensorimotor stages within his broader Theory of cognitive development.

• The first sub-stage occurs from birth to six weeks and is associated primarily with the development of reflexes. Three primary reflexes are described by Piaget: sucking of objects in the mouth, following moving or interesting objects with the eyes, and closing of the hand when an object makes contact with the palm (palmar grasp). Over these first six weeks of life, these reflexes begin to become voluntary actions; for example, the palmar reflex becomes intentional grasping. (Gruber and Vaneche, 1977^[6]).
• The second sub-stage occurs from six weeks to four months and is associated primarily with the development of habits. Primary circular reactions or repeating of an action involving only ones own body begin. An example of this type of reaction would involve something like an infant repeating the motion of passing their hand before their face. Also at this phase, passive reactions, caused by classical or operant conditioning, can begin (Gruber et al., 1977).
• The third sub-stage occurs from four to nine months and is associated primarily with the development of coordination between vision and prehension. Three new abilities occur at this stage: intentional grasping for a desired object, secondary circular reactions, and differentiations between ends and means. At this stage, infants will intentionally grasp the air in the direction of a desired object, often to the amusement of friends and family. Secondary circular reactions, or the repetition of an action involving an external object occur begin; for example, moving a switch to turn on a light repeatedly. The differentiation between means also occurs. This is perhaps one of the most important stages of a child’s growth as it signifies the dawn of logic (Gruber et al., 1977). Towards the late part of this sub-stage infants begin to have a sense of object permanence, passing the A-not-B error test.
• The fourth sub-stage occurs from nine to twelve months and is associated primarily with the development of logic and the coordination between means and ends. This is an extremely important stage of development, holding what Piaget calls the “first proper intelligence.” Also, this stage marks the beginning of goal orientation, the deliberate planning of steps to meet an objective (Gruber et al. 1977).
• The fifth sub-stage occurs from twelve to eighteen months and is associated primarily with the discovery of new means to meet goals. Piaget describes the child at this juncture as the “young scientist,” conducting pseudo-experiments to discover new methods of meeting challenges (Gruber et al. 1977).
• The sixth sub-stage is associated primarily with the beginnings of insight, or true creativity. This marks the passage into the preoperational stage.

When studying infants, the habituation methodology is an example of a method often used to assess their performance. This method allows researchers to obtain information about what types of stimuli an infant is able to discriminate. In this paradigm, infants are habituated to a particular stimulus and are then tested using different stimuli to evaluate discrimination. The critical measure in habituation is the infants’ level of interest. Typically, infants prefer stimuli that are novel relative to those they have encountered previously. Several methods are used to measure infants’ preference. These include the high-amplitude sucking procedure, in which infants suck on a pacifier more or less depending on their level of interest, the conditioned foot-kick procedure, in which infants move their legs to indicate preference, and the head-turn preference procedure, in which the infant’s level of interest is measured by the amount of time spent looking in a particular direction. A key feature of all these methods is that, in each situation, the infant controls the stimuli being presented. This gives researchers a means of measuring discrimination. If an infant is able to discriminate between the habituated stimulus and a novel stimulus, they will show a preference for the novel stimulus. If, however, the infant cannot discriminate between the two stimuli, they will not show a preference for one over the other.

Object permanence is an important stage of cognitive development for infants. Numerous tests regarding it have been done, usually involving a toy, and a crude barrier which is placed in front of the toy, and then removed, repeatedly. In sensorimotor stages 1 and 2, the infant is completely unable to comprehend object permanence. Jean Piaget conducted experiments with infants which led him to conclude that this awareness was typically achieved at eight to nine months of age. Infants before this age are too young to understand object permanence, which explains why infants at this age do not cry when their mothers are gone. “Out of sight, out of mind.” A lack of Object Permanence can lead to A-not-B errors, where children reach for a thing at a place where it should not be. (see also: Infant metaphysics)

Intelligence is demonstrated through the use of symbols, language use matures, and memory and imagination are developed. Thinking is done in a nonlogical, nonreversible manner. Egocentric thinking predominates.

Socially, toddlers are little people attempting to become independent. They walk, talk, use the toilet, and get food for themselves. Self-control begins to develop. If taking the initiative to explore, experiment, risk mistakes in trying new things, and test their limits is encouraged by the caretaker(s) the child will become autonomous, self-reliant, and confident. If the caretaker is overprotective or disapproving of independent actions, the toddler may begin to doubt their abilities and feel ashamed for the desire for independence. The child’s autonomic development will be inhibited, and be less prepared to successfully deal with the world in the future.

When children go to preschool, they broaden their social horizons and become more engaged with those around them. Impulses are channeled into fantasies, which leaves the task of the caretaker to balance eagerness for pursuing adventure, creativity and self expression with the development of responsibility. If caretakers are properly encouraging while being consistently disciplinary, children are more likely to develop positive self-esteem while becoming more responsible, and will follow through on assigned activities. If not allowed to decide which activities to perform, children may begin to feel guilt upon contemplating taking initiative. This negative association with independence will lead them to let others make decisions in place of them.

In this stage intelligence is demonstrated through logical and systematic manipulation of symbols related to concrete objects. Operational thinking develops, which means actions are reversible, and egocentric thought diminishes.

Children go through the transition from the world at home to that of school and peers. Children learn to make things, use tools, and acquire the skills to be a worker and a potential provider. Children can now receive feedback from outsiders about their accomplishments. If children can discover pleasure in intellectual stimulation, being productive, seeking success, they will develop a sense of competence. If they are not successful or cannot discover pleasure in the process, they may develop a sense of inferiority and feelings of inadequacy that may haunt them throughout life. This is when children think of them selves as industrious or as inferior

Adolescence is the period of life between the onset of puberty and the full commitment to an adult social role, such as worker, parent, and/or citizen. It is the period known for the formation of personal and social identity (see Erik Erikson) and the discovery of moral purpose (see William Damon). Intelligence is demonstrated through the logical use of symbols related to abstract concepts and formal reasoning. A return to egocentric thought often occurs early in the period. Only 35% develop the capacity to reason formally during adolescence or adulthood. (Huitt, W. and Hummel, J. January 1998) [5]

The adolescent asks “Who am I? Who do I want to be?” Like toddlers, adolescents must explore, test limits, become autonomous, and commit to an identity, or sense of self. Different roles, behaviours and ideologies must be tried out to select an identity. Role confusion and inability to choose vocation can result from a failure to achieve a sense of identity.

The person must learn how to form intimate relationships, both in friendship and love. The development of this skill relies on the resolution of other stages. It may be hard to establish intimacy if you haven’t developed trust or a sense of identity. If this skill is not learned the alternative is alienation, isolation, a fear of commitment, and the inability to depend on others.

A related framework for studying this part of the life span is that of Emerging adulthood, introduced in 2000 by Jeffrey Arnett. Scholars of emerging adulthood are interested not only in relationship development (focusing on the role of dating in helping individuals settle on a long-term spouse/partner), but also the development of sociopolitical views and occupational choice.

Middle adulthood generally refers to the period between ages 40 to 65. During this period, the middle-aged experience a conflict between generativity and stagnation. They may either feel a sense of contributing to the next generation and their community or a sense of purposelessness.

Physically, the middle-aged experience a decline in muscular strength, reaction time, sensory keenness, and cardiac output. Also, women experience menopause and a sharp drop in the hormone estrogen. Men do not have an equivalent to menopause, but they do experience a decline in sperm count and speed of ejaculation and erection.

Most men and women remain capable of sexual satisfaction after middle age.

This stage generally refers to those over 65 years. During old age, people experience a conflict between integrity vs. despair. When reflecting on their life, they either feel a sense of accomplishment or failure.

Physically, older people experience a decline in muscular strength, reaction time, stamina, hearing, distance perception, and the sense of smell. They also are more susceptible to severe diseases such as cancer and pneumonia due to a weakened immune system. Mental disintegration may also occur, leading to Dementia or Alzheimer’s Disease. However, partially due to a lifetime’s accumulation of antibodies, the elderly are less likely to suffer from common diseases such as the cold or flu.

Whether or not intellectual powers increase or decrease with age remains controversial. Longitudinal studies have suggested that intellect declines, while cross-sectional studies suggest that intellect is stable. It is generally believed that crystallized intelligence increases up to old age, while fluid intelligence decreases with age.

see Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development

Cognitive development is primarily concerned with the ways in which infants and children acquire and develop internal mental capabilities such as problem solving, memory, and language.. Major topics in cognitive development are the study of language acquisition and the development of perceptual and motor skills. Piaget was one of the influential early psychologists to study the development of cognitive abilities. His theory suggests that development proceeds through a set of stages from infancy to adulthood and that there is an end point or goal. Other accounts, such as that of Lev Vygotsky, have suggested that development does not progress through stages rather that the development process that begins at birth and continues until death is too complex for such structure and finality. Rather, from this viewpoint, developmental processes proceed more continuously, thus it should be analyzed, instead of a product to be obtained.

In addition, modern cognitive development has largely moved away from Piagetian stage theories, and is influenced by accounts of domain specificity, which argue that development is guided by innate evolutionarily specificed and content-specific information processing mechanisms.

Social psychology is the study of the nature and causes of human social behavior, with an emphasis on how people think towards each other and how they relate to each other. As the mind is the axis around which social behavior pivots, social psychologists tend to study the relationship between mind(s) and social behaviors. In early-modern social science theory, John Stuart Mill, Comte, and others, laid the foundation for social psychology by asserting that human social cognition and behavior could and should be studied scientifically like any other natural science.

Attachment Theory focuses on close, intimate, emotionally meaningful relationships. Its methods of study involve such approaches as the Strange Situation Protocol developed by Mary Ainsworth and the Adult Attachment Interview developed by Mary Main. Attachment Theory was developed by Sir John Bowlby. The attachment is described as a biological system that evolved to ensure the survival of the infant. Attachment behavior is evoked whenever the person is threatened or stressed and involves actions to move toward the person(s) who create a sense of physical, emotional and psychological safety for the individual. See also the critique by developmental psychology pioneer Jerome Kagan.

Developmental psychology employs many of the research methods used in other areas of psychology. However, infants and children cannot always be tested in the same ways as adults, so different methods are often used to study their development.

When studying older children, especially adolescents, adult measurements of behavior can often be used, but they may need to be simplified to allow children to perform certain tasks.

Developmental psychologists have a number of methods to study changes in individuals over time.

In a longitudinal study, a researcher observes many individuals born at or around the same time (a cohort) and carries out new observations as members of the cohort age. This method can be used to draw conclusions about which types of development are universal (or normative) and occur in most members of a cohort. Researchers may also observe ways in which development varies between individuals and hypothesize about the causes of variation observed in their data. Longitudinal studies often require large amounts of time and funding, making them unfeasible in some situations. Also, because members of a cohort all experience historical events unique to their generation, apparently normative developmental trends may in fact be universal only to their cohort.

In a cross-sectional study, a researcher observes differences between individuals of different ages at the same time. This generally requires less resources than the longitudinal method, and because the individuals come from different cohorts, shared historical events are not so much of a confounding factor. By the same token, however, cross-sectional research may not be the most effective way to study differences between participants, as these differences may result not from their different ages but from their exposure to different historical events.

An accelerated longitudinal design or cross-sequential study combines both methodologies. Here, a researcher observes members of different birth cohorts at the same time, and then tracks all participants over time, charting changes in the groups. By comparing differences and similarities in development, one can more easily determine what changes can be attributed to individual or historical environment, and which are truly universal. Clearly such a study can be even more resource-consuming than a longitudinal study.

Additionally, these are all correlational, not experimental, designs, and so one cannot readily infer causation from the data they yield. Nonetheless, correlational research methods are common in the study of development, in part due to ethical concerns. In a study of the effects of poverty on development, for instance, one cannot easily ralndomly assign certain families to a poverty condition and others to an affluent one, and so observation alone has to suffice.

• Jean Piaget: Theory of cognitive development
• Lawrence Kohlberg: Kohlberg’s stages of moral development
• Jerome Bruner: Cognitive (Constructivist) Learning theory / Narrative Construction of Reality
• Lev Vygotsky: Social Contextualism / Zone of Proximal Development
• Urie Bronfenbrenner: Ecological Systems Theory
• Jerome Kagan: one of the key pioneers of developmental psychology
• John Bowlby, Harlow & Harlow, Mary Ainsworth: Attachment theory
• Erik Erikson: Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development
• Sigmund Freud: psychosexual development
• Emmy Werner: resilience, risk & protective factors in human development

• Annotated Bibliography: a list of prominent works in developmental psychology
• Cognitive development
• Developmental stage
• Developmental psychopathology
• Evolutionary developmental psychopathology
• Evolutionary educational psychology
• Life history theory
• Pre- and perinatal psychology
• Contemporary Educational Psychology/Chapter 3: Student Development (developmental ideas applied to classroom teaching)

• Bjorklund, D.F. & Pellegrini, A.D. (2000). Child Development and Evolutionary Psychology. Child Development, 71, 1687-1708. Full text

• Geary, D. C., & Bjorklund, D. F. (2000). Evolutionary developmental psychology. Child Development, 71, 57-65. Full text

• Johnson-Pynn, J., Fragaszy, D.M., & Cummins-Sebree, S. (2003). Common territories in comparative and developmental psychology: The quest for shared means and meaning in behavioral investigations. International Journal of Comparative Psychology, 16, 1-27. Full text

• MacDonald, K., & Hershberger, S. (2005). Theoretical Issues in the Study of Evolution and Development. In R. Burgess and K. MacDonald (Eds.), Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Development, 2nd edition, pp. 21–72. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Full text

• Developmental Psychology: lessons for teaching and learning developmental psychology
• GMU’s On-Line Resources for Developmental Psychology: a web directory of Developmental Psychology organizations
• Psychology Resources
• Developmental psychology at The Psychology Wiki
• Developmental psychology forum
• Psychology Wikia IRC channel
• The British Psychological Society
• Association of Child Psychologists in Private Practice – AChiPPP (UK)

Social Work

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Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. Although the terms “educational psychology” and “school psychology” are often used interchangeably, researchers and theorists are likely to be identified as educational psychologists, whereas practitioners in schools or school-related settings are identified as school psychologists. Educational psychology is concerned with the processes of educational attainment among the general population and sub-populations such as gifted children and those subject to specific disabilities. Template:Psychology Educational psychology can in part be understood through its relationship with other disciplines. It is informed primarily by psychology, bearing a relationship to that discipline analogous to the relationship between medicine and biology and also between Engineering and Physics. Educational psychology in turn informs a wide range of specialities within educational studies, including instructional design, educational technology, curriculum development, organizational learning, special education and classroom management. Educational psychology both draws from and contributes to cognitive science and the learning sciences. In universities, departments of educational psychology are usually housed within faculties of education, possibly accounting for the lack of representation of educational psychology content in introductory psychology textbooks.^[1]

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To understand the characteristics of learners in childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age, educational psychology develops and applies theories of human development. Often cast as stages through which people pass as they mature, developmental theories describe changes in mental abilities (cognition), social roles, moral reasoning, and beliefs about the nature of knowledge.

For example, educational psychologists have researched the instructional applicability of Jean Piaget’s theory of development, according to which children mature through four stages of cognitive capability. Piaget hypothesized that children are not capable of abstract logical thought until they are older than about 11 years, and therefore younger children need to be taught using concrete objects and examples. Researchers have found that transitions, such as from concrete to abstract logical thought, do not occur at the same time in all domains. A child may be able to think abstractly about mathematics, but remain limited to concrete thought when reasoning about human relationships. Perhaps Piaget’s most enduring contribution is his insight that people actively construct their understanding through a self-regulatory process.^[2]

Piaget proposed a developmental theory of moral reasoning in which children progress from a naive understanding of morality based on behavior and outcomes to a more advanced understanding based on intentions. Piaget’s views of moral development were elaborated by Kohlberg into a stage theory of moral development. There is evidence that the moral reasoning described in stage theories is not sufficient to account for moral behavior. For example, other factors such as modeling (as described by the social cognitive theory of morality) are required to explain bullying.

Developmental theories are sometimes presented not as shifts between qualitatively different stages, but as gradual increments on separate dimensions. Development of epistemological beliefs (beliefs about knowledge) have been described in terms of gradual changes in people’s belief in: certainty and permanence of knowledge, fixedness of ability, and credibility of authorities such as teachers and experts. People develop more sophisticated beliefs about knowledge as they gain in education and maturity.^[3]

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Each person has an individual profile of characteristics, abilities and challenges that result from learning and development. These manifest as individual differences in intelligence, creativity, cognitive style, motivation, and the capacity to process information, communicate, and relate to others. The most prevalent disabilities found among school age children are attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), learning disability, dyslexia, and speech disorder. Less common disabilities include mental retardation, hearing impairment, cerebral palsy, epilepsy, and blindness.

Although theories of intelligence have been discussed by philosophers since Plato, intelligence testing is an invention of educational psychology, and is coincident with the development of that discipline. Continuing debates about the nature of intelligence revolve on whether intelligence can be characterized by a single, scalar factor (Spearman’s general intelligence), multiple factors (as in Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence and Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences), or whether it can be measured at all. In practice, standardized instruments such as the Stanford-Binet IQ test and the WISC are widely used in economically developed countries to identify children in need of individualized educational treatment. Children classified as gifted are often provided with accelerated or enriched programs. Children with identified deficits may be provided with enhanced education in specific skills such as phonological awareness.

Two fundamental assumptions that underlie formal education systems are that students (a) retain knowledge and skills they acquire in school, and (b) can apply them in situations outside the classroom. But are these assumptions accurate? Research has found that, even when students report not using the knowledge acquired in school, a considerable portion is retained for many years and long term retention is strongly dependent on the initial level of mastery.^[4] One study found that university students who took a child development course and attained high grades showed, when tested 10 years later, average retention scores of about 30%, whereas those who obtained moderate or lower grades showed average retention scores of about 20%.^[5] There is much less consensus on the crucial question of how much knowledge acquired in school transfers to tasks encountered outside formal educational settings, and how such transfer occurs.^[6] Some psychologists claim that research evidence for this type of far transfer is scarce,^[7][8] while others claim there is abundant evidence of far transfer in specific domains.^[9] Several perspectives have been established within which the theories of learning used in educational psychology are formed and contested. These include Behaviorism, Cognitivism, Social Cognitivism, and Constructivism. This section summarizes how educational psychology has researched and applied theories within each of these perspectives.

Applied behavior analysis, a set of techniques based on the behavioral principles of operant conditioning, is effective in a range of educational settings.^[10] For example, teachers can improve student behavior by systematically rewarding students who follow classroom rules with praise, stars, or tokens exchangeable for sundry items.^[11][12] Despite the demonstrated efficacy of awards in changing behavior, their use in education has been criticized by proponents of self-determination theory, who claim that praise and other rewards undermine intrinsic motivation. There is evidence that tangible rewards decrease intrinsic motivation in specific situations, such as when the student already has a high level of intrinsic motivation to perform the goal behavior.^[13] But the results showing detrimental effects are counterbalanced by evidence that, in other situations, such as when rewards are given for attaining a gradually increasing standard of performance, rewards enhance intrinsic motivation.^[14]

Among current educational psychologists, the cognitive perspective is more widely held than the behavioral perspective perhaps because it flexibly admits causally related mental constructs such as traits, beliefs, memories, motivations and emotions. Cognitive theories posit memory structures that are thought to determine how information is perceived, processed, stored, retrieved and forgotten. Among the memory structures theorized by cognitive psychologists are separate but linked visual and verbal systems described by Allan Paivio’s dual coding theory. Educational psychologists have used dual coding theory and cognitive load theory to explain how people learn from multimedia presentations.^[15]

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The spaced learning effect, a cognitive phenomenon strongly supported by psychological research, has broad applicability within education.^[17] For example, students have been found to perform better on a test of knowledge about a text passage when a second reading of the passage is delayed rather than immediate (see figure).^[16] Educational psychology research has confirmed the applicability to education of other findings from cognitive psychology, such as the benefits of using mnemonics for immediate and delayed retention of information.^[18]

Problem solving, regarded by many cognitive psychologists as fundamental to learning, is an important research topic in educational psychology. A student is thought to interpret a problem by assigning it to a schema retrieved from long term memory. When the problem is assigned to the wrong schema, the student’s attention is subsequently directed away from features of the problem that are inconsistent with the assigned schema.^[19] The critical step of finding a mapping between the problem and a pre-existing schema is often cited as supporting the centrality of analogical thinking to problem solving.

Social cognitive theory is a highly influential fusion of behavioral, cognitive and social elements that was initially developed by educational psychologist Albert Bandura. In its earlier, neo-behavioral incarnation called social learning theory, Bandura emphasized the process of observational learning in which a learner’s behavior changes as a result of observing others’ behavior and its consequences. The theory identified several factors that determine whether observing a model will affect behavioral or cognitive change. These factors include the learner’s developmental status, the perceived prestige and competence of the model, the consequences received by the model, the relevance of the model’s behaviors and consequences to the learner’s goals, and the learner’s self-efficacy. The concept of self-efficacy, which played an important role in later developments of the theory, refers to the learner’s belief in his or her ability to perform the modeled behavior.

An experiment by Schunk and Hanson,^[20] that studied grade 2 students who had previously experienced difficulty in learning subtraction, illustrates the type of research stimulated by social learning theory. One group of students observed a subtraction demonstration by a teacher and then participated in an instructional program on subtraction. A second group observed other grade 2 students performing the same subtraction procedures and then participated in the same instructional program. The students who observed peer models scored higher on a subtraction post-test and also reported greater confidence in their subtraction ability. The results were interpreted as supporting the hypothesis that perceived similarity of the model to the learner increases self-efficacy, leading to more effective learning of modeled behavior. It is supposed that peer modeling is particularly effective for students who have low self-efficacy.

Over the last decade, much research activity in educational psychology has focused on developing theories of self-regulated learning (SRL) and metacognition. These theories work from the central premise that effective learners are active agents who construct knowledge by setting goals, analysing tasks, planning strategies and monitoring their understanding. Research has indicated that learners’ who are better at goal setting and self-monitoring tend to have greater intrinsic task interest and self-efficacy;^[21] and that teaching learning strategies can increase academic achievement.^[22]

Constructivism refers to a category of learning theories in which emphasis is placed on the agency and prior knowledge of the learner, and often on the social and cultural determinants of the learning process. Educational psychologists distinguish individual (or psychological) constructivism, identified with Piaget’s learning theory, from social constructivism. A dominant influence on the latter type is Lev Vygotsky‘s work on sociocultural learning, describing how interactions with adults, more capable peers, and cognitive tools are internalized to form mental constructs. Elaborating on Vygotsky’s theory, Jerome Bruner and other educational psychologists developed the important concept of instructional scaffolding, in which the social or information environment offers supports for learning that are gradually withdrawn as they become internalized.

Vygotsky’s version of constructivist theory has led to the view that behavior, skills, attitudes and beliefs are inherently situated, that is, bound to a specific sociocultural setting. According to this view, the learner is enculturated through social interactions within a community of practice. The social constructivist view of learning has spawned approaches to teaching and learning such as cognitive apprenticeship, in which the tacit components of a complex skill are made explicit through conversational interactions occurring between expert and novice in the setting in which the skill is embedded.^[23]

Motivation is an internal state that activates, guides and sustains behavior. Educational psychology research on motivation is concerned with the volition or will that students bring to a task, their level of interest and intrinsic motivation, the personally held goals that guide their behavior, and their belief about the causes of their success or failure.

A form of attribution theory developed by Bernard Weiner^[24] describes how students’ beliefs about the causes of academic success or failure affect their emotions and motivations. For example, when students attribute failure to lack of ability, and ability is perceived as uncontrollable, they experience the emotions of shame and embarrassment and consequently decrease effort and show poorer performance. In contrast, when students attribute failure to lack of effort, and effort is perceived as controllable, they experience the emotion of guilt and consequently increase effort and show improved performance.

Motivational theories also explain how learners’ goals affect the way that they engage with academic tasks.^[25] Those who have mastery goals strive to increase their ability and knowledge. Those who have performance approach goals strive for high grades and seek opportunities to demonstrate their abilities. Those who have performance avoidance goals are driven by fear of failure and avoid situations where their abilities are exposed. Research has found that mastery goals are associated with many positive outcomes such as persistence in the face of failure, preference for challenging tasks, creativity and intrinsic motivation. Performance avoidance goals are associated with negative outcomes such as poor concentration while studying, disorganized studying, less self-regulation, shallow information processing and test anxiety. Performance approach goals are associated with positive outcomes, and some negative outcomes such as an unwillingness to seek help and shallow information processing.

The research methods used in educational psychology tend to be drawn from psychology and other social sciences. There is also a history of significant methodological innovation by educational psychologists, and psychologists investigating educational problems. Research methods address problems in both research design and data analysis. Research design informs the planning of experiments and observational studies to ensure that their results have internal, external and ecological validity. Data analysis encompasses methods for processing both quantitive (numerical) and qualitative (non-numerical) research data. Although, historically, the use of quantitative methods was often considered an essential mark of scholarship, modern educational psychology research uses both quantitative and qualitative methods.

Perhaps first among the important methodological innovations of educational psychology was the development and application of factor analysis by Charles Spearman. Factor analysis is mentioned here as one example of the many multivariate statistical methods used by educational psychologists. Factor analysis is used to summarize relationships among a large set of variables or test questions, develop theories about mental constructs such as self-efficacy or anxiety, and assess the reliability and validity of test scores.^[26] Over one hundred years after its introduction by Spearman, factor analysis has become a research staple figuring prominently in educational psychology journals.

Because educational assessment is fundamental to most quantitative research in the field, educational psychologists have made significant contributions to the field of psychometrics. For example, alpha, the widely used measure of test reliability was developed by educational psychologist Lee Cronbach. The reliability of assessments are routinely reported in quantitative educational research. Although, originally, educational measurement methods were built on classical test theory, item response theory and Rasch models are now used extensively in educational measurement worldwide. These models afford advantages over classical test theory, including the capacity to produce standard errors of measurement for each score or pattern of scores on assessments and the capacity to handle missing responses.

Meta-analysis, the combination of individual research results to produce a quantitative literature review, is another methodological innovation with a close association to educational psychology. In a meta-analysis, effect sizes that represent, for example, the differences between treatment groups in a set of similar experiments, are averaged to obtain a single aggregate value representing the best estimate of the effect of treatment.^[27] Several decades after Pearson‘s work with early versions of meta-analysis, Glass^[28] published the first application of modern meta-analytic techniques and triggered their broad application across the social and biomedical sciences. Today, meta-analysis is among the most common types of literature review found in educational psychology research.

Qualitative methods are used in educational studies whose purpose is to describe events, processes and situations of theoretical significance. The qualitative methods used in educational psychology often derive from anthropology, sociology or sociolinguistics. For example, the anthropological method of ethnography has been used to describe teaching and learning in classrooms. In studies of this type, the researcher may gather detailed field notes as a participant observer or passive observer. Later, the notes and other data may be categorized and interpreted by methods such as grounded theory. Triangulation, the practice of cross-checking findings with multiple data sources, is highly valued in qualitative research.

Case studies are forms of qualitative research focusing on a single person, organization, event, or other entity. In one case study,^[29] researchers conducted a 150-minute, semi-structured interview with a 20-year old woman who had a history of suicidal thinking between the ages of 14 to 18. They analyzed an audio-recording of the interview to understand the roles of cognitive development, identity formation and social attachment in ending her suicidal thinking.

Qualitative analysis is most often applied to verbal data from sources such as conversations, interviews, focus groups, and personal journals. Qualitative methods are thus, typically, approaches to gathering, processing and reporting verbal data. One of the most commonly used methods for qualitative research in educational psychology is protocol analysis.^[30] In this method the research participant is asked to think aloud while performing a task, such as solving a math problem. In protocol analysis the verbal data is thought to indicate which information the subject is attending to, but is explicitly not interpreted as an explanation or justification for behavior. In contrast, the method of verbal analysis^[31] does admit learners’ explanations as a way to reveal their mental model or misconceptions (e.g., of the laws of motion). The most fundamental operations in both protocol and verbal analysis are segmenting (isolating) and categorizing sections of verbal data. Conversation analysis and discourse analysis, sociolinguistic methods that focus more specifically on the structure of conversational interchange (e.g., between a teacher and student), have been used to assess the process of conceptual change in science learning.^[32] Qualitative methods are also used to analyse information in a variety of media, such as students’ drawings and concept maps, video-recorded interactions, and computer log records.

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Instructional design, the systematic design of materials, activities and interactive environments for learning, is broadly informed by educational psychology theories and research. For example, in defining learning goals or objectives, instructional designers often use a taxonomy of educational objectives created by Benjamin Bloom and colleagues.^[33] Bloom also researched mastery learning, an instructional strategy in which learners only advance to a new learning objective after they have mastered its prerequisite objectives. Bloom^[34] discovered that a combination of mastery learning with one-to-one tutoring is highly effective, producing learning outcomes far exceeding those normally achieved in classroom instruction. Gagné, another psychologist, had earlier developed an influential method of task analysis in which a terminal learning goal is expanded into a hierarchy of learning objectives^[35] connected by prerequisite relations.

• Intelligent tutoring system
• Educational technology
• John R. Anderson
• Cognitive tutor
• Cooperative learning
• Collaborative learning
• problem-based learning
• Computer supported collaborative learning
• William Winn

File:FinnGerberBoydZaharias2005.png

Research on classroom management and pedagogy is conducted to guide teaching practice and form a foundation for teacher education programs. The goals of classroom management are to create an environment conducive to learning and to develop students’ self-management skills. More specifically, classroom management strives to create positive teacher-student and peer relationships, manage student groups to sustain on-task behavior, and use counselling and other psychological methods to aid students who present persistent psychosocial problems.^[37]

Introductory educational psychology is a commonly required area of study in most North American teacher education programs. When taught in that context, its content varies, but it typically emphasizes learning theories (especially cognitively oriented ones), issues about motivation, assessment of students’ learning, and classroom management. A developing Wikibook about educational psychology gives more detail about the educational psychology topics that are typically presented in preservice teacher education.

• Special education
• Lesson plan
• More about applications to classroom teaching

Educational psychology cannot claim priority in the systematic analysis of educational processes. Philosophers of education such as Democritus, Quintilian, Vives and Comenius, had examined, classified and judged the methods of education centuries before the beginnings of psychology in the late 1800s. Instead, aspirations of the new discipline rested on the application of the scientific methods of observation and experimentation to educational problems. Even in the earliest years of the discipline, educational psychologists recognized the limitations of this new approach. In his famous series of lectures Talks to Teachers on Psychology, published in 1899 and now regarded as the first educational psychology textbook, the pioneering American psychologist William James commented that:

“

Psychology is a science, and teaching is an art; and sciences never generate arts directly out of themselves. An intermediate inventive mind must make that application, by using its originality.[38]

”

According to Berliner^[39] educational psychology theorists’ attitude to the world of educational practice has shifted from initial interest to disdain, and eventually to respect.

• Charles Hubbard Judd

In 1912, Thorndike, who developed the theory of instrumental conditioning, presaged later work on programmed instruction, mastery learning and computer-based learning:

“

If, by a miracle of mechanical ingenuity, a book could be so arranged that only to him who had done what was directed on page one would page two become visible, and so on, much that now requires personal instruction could be managed by print.[40]

”

The following persons were selected and featured in a recent biographical history of educational psychology^[41] as having made significant contributions to the field:

• Albert Bandura 1925–
• Alfred Binet 1857–1911
• Benjamin Bloom 1913–1999
• Ann Brown 1943–1999
• Jerome Bruner 1915–
• Lee Cronbach 1916–2001
• John Dewey 1859–1952
• Nathaniel Gage 1917–
• Robert Gagné 1916–2002
• William James 1842–1910
• Maria Montessori 1870–1952
• Jean Piaget 1896–1980
• Herbert Simon 1916–2001
• Burrhus Frederic Skinner 1904–1990
• Charles Spearman 1863–1945
• Lewis Terman 1877–1956
• Edward L. Thorndike 1874–1949
• Lev Semenovich Vygotsky 1896–1934

Template:Globalize A person may be considered an educational psychologist after completing a graduate degree in educational psychology or a closely related field. Universities establish educational psychology graduate programs in either psychology departments or, more commonly, faculties of education.

Educational psychologists work in a variety of settings. Some work in university settings where they carry out research on the cognitive and social processes of human development, learning and education. Educational psychologists may also work as consultants in designing and creating educational materials, classroom programs and online courses.

Educational psychologists who work in k-12 school settings (called school psychologists in the United States) are trained at the masters and doctoral levels. In addition to conducting assessments, school psychologists provide services such as academic and behavioral intervention, counseling, teacher consultation, and crisis intervention.

In the UK, status as a Chartered Educational Psychologist is gained by completing:

• an undergraduate degree in psychology permitting registration with the British Psychological Society
• two or three years experience working with children, young people and their families.
• a three-year professional doctorate in educational psychology.

The previous requirement to train and work for two years as a teacher has now been abandoned.

Employment for psychologists in the United States is expected to grow faster than most occupations through the year 2014, with anticipated growth of 18-26%. One in four psychologist are employed in educational settings. In the United States, the median salary for psychologists in primary and secondary schools is $58,360 as of May 2004.^[42]

In recent decades the participation of women as professional researchers in North American educational psychology has risen dramatically.^[43] The percentage of female authors of peer-reviewed journal articles doubled from 1976 (24%) to 1995 (51%), and has since remained constant. Female membership on educational psychology journal editorial boards increased from 17% in 1976 to 47% in 2004. Over the same period, the proportion of chief editor positions held by women increased from 22% to 70%.

Journal	Impact*
Educational Psychologist	3.72
Journal of the Learning Sciences	2.28
Learning and Individual Differences	2.17
Review of Educational Research	1.96
Journal of Educational Psychology	1.69
Learning and Instruction	1.62
Journal of Educational and Behavioral Statistics	1.35
Educational Psychology Review	1.23
American Educational Research Journal	1.10
British Journal of Educational Psychology	0.92
Cognition and Instruction	0.80
Contemporary Educational Psychology	0.75
Journal of Experimental Education	0.73
Instructional Science	0.66
Journal of Educational Measurement	0.47
Educational Technology Res and Dev	0.20
International Journal of Learning	0.19
European Journal of Psychology of Education	0.18
Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology	0.08
* Citations per article from 2005 ISI JCR

Although not exhaustive, the table to the right lists peer-reviewed journals in educational psychology and related fields. The impact factor is the average number of citations per article in each journal.

• Articles related to educational psychology
• American Educational Research Association
• American Psychological Association
• Association for Psychological Science
• British Psychological Society
• Educational psychologists
• Contemporary Educational Psychology
• Educational research
• Evolutionary educational psychology
• Important publications in educational psychology
• International Society of the Learning Sciences
• Learning sciences
• List of education topics
• Philosophy of education
• School psychologist

Template:Portalpar

• Educational Psychology Resources by Athabasca University
• Division 15 of the American Psychological Association
• Psychology of Education Section of the British Psychological Society
• School Psychology on the Web
• Explorations in Learning & Instruction: The Theory Into Practice Database
• Classics in the History of Psychology
• The Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing
• Educational psychology at The Psychology Wiki
• A new Educational Psychology related forum for the UK & Ireland
• Teaching Educational Psychology

• United Kingdom description of educational psychologist
• Educational Psychologist description from the British Psychological Society

• Careers in Educational Psychology

There are many introductory educational psychology textbooks, mostly intended for future k-12 teachers.

• Psychology Applied To Teaching by Jack Snowman and Robert Biehler
• Educational Psychology by John Santrock
• Educational Psychology by Robert Slavin
• Educational Psychology: Developing Learners by Jeanne Ormrod
• Educational Psychology by Anita Woolfolk
• Educational Psychology: Effective Teaching, Effective Learning by Elliot, Kratochwill, Cook & Travers

bs:Pedagoška psihologija da:Pædagogisk psykologi de:Pädagogische Psychologie he:פסיכולוגיה חינוכית sl:Pedagoška psihologija sr:Школска психологија fi:Kasvatuspsykologia

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Template:Psychology Forensic psychology is the intersection between Psychology and the Criminal justice system. It is a division of applied psychology concerned with the collection, examination and presentation of psychological evidence for judicial purposes.^[1]

The practice of forensic psychology involves understanding criminal law in the relevant jurisdictions in order to be able to make legal evaluations and interact appropriately with judges, attorneys and other legal professionals. An important aspect of forensic psychology is the ability to testify in court, reformulating psychological findings into the legal language of the courtroom to provide information to legal personnel in a way that can be understood.^[2] Further, in order to be a credible witness, for example in the United States, the forensic psychologist must understand the philosophy, rules and standards of the American judicial system, as well as display competency in psychological practice. Primary is an understanding of the adversarial model under which the system function. There are also rules about hearsay evidence and importantly the exclusionary rule. Lack of a firm grasp of these procedures will result in the forensic psychologist losing credibility in the courtroom.^[3]

A forensic psychologist can be trained in clinical, social, organizational or any other branch of psychology.^[4] In the United States, the salient issue is the designation by the court as an expert witness by training, experience or both by the judge. Generally, a forensic psychologist is designated as an expert in a particular jurisdiction. The number of jurisdictions in which a forensic psychologist qualifies as an expert increases with experience and reputation.

Questions asked by the court of a forensic psychologist are generally not questions regarding psychology but are legal questions and the response must be in language the court understands. For example, a forensic psychologist is frequently appointed by the court to assess a defendant’s competency to stand trial. The court also frequently appoints a forensic psychologist to assess the state of mind of the defendant at the time of the offense. This is referred to as an evaluation of the defendant’s sanity or insanity (which relates to criminal responsibility) at the time of the offense.^[5] These are not primarily psychological questions but rather legal ones. Thus, a forensic psychologist must be able to translate psychological information into a legal framework.^[6]

Forensic psychologists also provide sentencing recommendations, treatment recommendations, and any other information the judge requests, such as information regarding mitigating factors, assessment of future risk, and evaluation of witness credibility. Forensic psychology also involves training and evaluating police or other law enforcement personal, providing law enforcement with criminal profiles and in other ways working with police departments. Forensic psychologists work both with the Public Defender, the States Attorney, and private attorneys. Forensic psychologists may also help with jury selection.^[7]

The forensic psychologist views the client or defendant from a different point of view than does a traditional clinical psychologist. Seeing the situation from the client’s point of view or “empathizing” is not the forensic psychologist’s task. Traditional psychological tests and interview procedure are not sufficient when applied to the forensic situation. In forensic evaluations, it is important to assess the consistency of factual information across multiple sources. Forensic evaluators must be able to provide the source on which any information is based. Unlike more traditional applications of clinical psychology, informed consent is not required when the assessment is ordered by the court. Instead, the defendant simply needs to be notified regarding the purpose of the evaluation and the fact that he or she will have no control over how the information obtained is used.^[8] While psychologists infrequently have to be concerned about malingering or feigning illness in a non-criminal clinical setting. A forensic psychologist must be able to recognize exaggerated or faked symptoms. Malingering exists on a continuum so the forensic psychologist must be skilled in recognizing varying degrees of feigned symptoms.^[9]

Forensic psychologists perform a wide range of tasks within the criminal justice system. By far the largest is that of preparing for and providing testimony in the court room. This task has become increasingly difficult as attorneys have become sophisticated at undermining psychological testimony.^[10] Evaluating the client, preparing for testimony, and the testimony itself require the forensic psychologist to have a firm grasp of the law and the legal situation at issue in the courtroom, using the Crime Classification Manual and other sources.^[11][12] This knowledge must be integrated with the psychological information obtained from testing, psychological and mental status exams, and appropriate assessment of background materials, such as police reports, prior psychiatric or psychological evaluations, medical records and other available pertinent information.^[6]

An overriding issue in any type of forensic assessment is the issue of malingering and deception. A defendant may be intentionally faking a mental illness or may be exaggerating the degree of symptomatology. The forensic psychologist must always keep this possibility in mind. It is important if malingering is suspected to observe the defendant in other settings as it is difficult to maintain false symptoms consistently over time.^[13] In some cases, the court views malingering or feigning illness as obstruction of justice and sentences the defendant accordingly. In United States v. Binion, malingering or feigning illness during a competency evaluation was held to be obstruction of justice and led to an enhanced sentence.^[14] As such, fabricating mental illness in a competency-to-stand-trial assessment now can be raised to enhance the sentencing level following a guilty plea.^[15]

If there is a question of the accused’s competency to stand trial, a forensic psychologist is appointed by the court to examine and assess the individual. The individual may be in custody or may have been released on bail. Based on the forensic assessment, a recommendation is made to the court whether or not the defendant is competent to proceed to trial. If the defendant is considered incompetent to proceed, the report or testimony will include recommendations for the interim period during which an attempt at restoring the individual’s competency to understand the court and legal proceedings, as well as participate appropriately in their defense will be made.^[16] Often, this is an issue of the defendant complying with prescribed psychiatric medication for a period long enough for the medication to take effect. If the individual does not gain competence after a suitable period of time, that person may be involuntarily committed, on the advice of a forensic psychologist, to a psychiatric treatment facility until such time as the individual is deemed competent.^[5]

As a result of Ford v. Wainwright, a case by a Florida inmate on death row that was brought before the Supreme Court of the United States, forensic psychologists are appointed to assess the competency of an inmate to be executed in death penalty cases.^[17][18][19]

The forensic psychologist may also be appointed by the court to evaluate the defendant’s state of mind at the time of the offense. These are defendants who the judge, prosecutor or public defender believe, through personal interaction with the defendant or through reading the police report, may have been significantly impaired at the time of the offense. In other situations, the defense attorney may decide to have the defendant plead not guilty by reason of insanity. In this case, usually the court appoints forensic evaluators and the defense may hire their own forensic expert. In actual practice, this is rarely a plea in a trial. Usually any judgments about the defendant’s state of mind at the time of the offense are made by the court before the trial process begins. ^[20]

Even in situations where the defendant’s mental disorder does not meet the criteria for a not guilty by reason of insanity defense, the defendant’s state of mind at the time, as well as relevant past history of mental disorder and psychological abuse can be used to attempt a mitigation of sentence. The forensic psychologist’s evaluation and report is an important element in presenting evidence for sentence mitigation. In Hamblin v. Mitchell, 335 F.3d 482 (6th Cir. 2003), the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the decision of a lower court because counsel did not thoroughly investigate the defendant’s mental history in preparation for the sentencing phase of the trial. Specifically, the court stated that such investigation should include members of the defendant’s immediate and extended family, medical history, and family and social history (including physical and mental abuse,domestic violence, exposure to traumatic events and criminal violence).^[21] This issue was further addressed in Wiggins v. Smith and Bigby v. Dretke.

Forensic psychologists are frequently asked to make an assessment of an individual’s risk of re-offending or dangerousness. They may provide information and recommendations necessary for sentencing purposes, grants of probation, and the formulation of conditions of parole, which often involves an assessment of the offender’s ability to be rehabilitated. They are also asked questions of witness credibility and malingering.^[13] Occasionally, they may also provide criminal profiles to law enforcement.^[22][23][24]

Due to the Supreme Court decision upholding involuntary commitment laws for preditory sex offenders in Kansas v. Hendricks, it is likely that forensic psychologists will become involved in making recommendations in individual cases of end of sentence civil commitment decisions.

A forensic psychologist generally practices within the confines of the courtroom, incarceration facilities, and other legal setting. It is important to remember that the forensic psychologist is equally likely to be testifying for the prosecution as for the defense attorney. A forensic psychologist does not take a side, as do the psychologists described below.^[25] The ethical standards for a forensic psychologist differ from those of a clinical psychologist or other practicing psychologist because the forensic psychologist is not an advocate for the client and nothing the client says is guaranteed to be keep confidential. This makes evaluation of the client difficult, as the forensic psychologist needs and wants to obtain certain information while it is often not in the client’s best interest to provide it. The client has no control over how that information is used.^[26] Despite the signing of a waiver of confidentiality, most clients do no realize the nature of the evaluative situation.^[27] Furthermore, the interview techniques differ from those typical of a clinical psychologist and require an understanding of the criminal mind and criminal and violent behavior.^[28] For example, even indicating to a defendant being interviewed that an effort will be made to get the defendant professional help may be grounds for excluding the expert’s testimony.^[29] In addition, the forensic psychologist deals with a range of clients unlike those of the average practicing psychology. Because the client base is by and large criminal, the forensic psychologist is immersed in an abnormal world.^[30] As such, the population evaluated by the forensic psychologist is heavily weighted with specific personality disorders.^[31][32][33]

The typical grounds for malpractice suits also apply to the forensic psychologist, such as wrongful commitment, inadequate informed consent, duty and breach of duty, and standards of care issues. Some situations are more clear cut for the forensic psychologist. The duty to warn, which is mandated by many states, is generally not a problem because the client or defendant has already signed a release of information, unless the victim is not clearly identified and the issue of the identifiability of the victim arises. However, in general the forensic psychologist is less likely to encounter malpractice suits than a clinical psychologist. The forensic psychologist does have some additional professional liability issues. As mentioned above, confidentiality in a forensic setting is more complicated that in a clinical setting as the client or defendant is apt to misinterpret the limits of confidentiality despite being warned and signing a release.^[16]

• Ultimate issue
• Settled insanity
• Forensic psychiatry
• Dusky v. United States
• Competency evaluation (law)
• Chris Hatcher, Ph.D. – Criminal profiler
• Theodore H. Blau – police and forensic psychologist
• The Mask of Sanity
• Elements of a crime

• Adler, J. R. (Ed.). (2004). Forensic Psychology: Concepts, debates and practice. Cullompton: Willan.
• Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (1999). History of Forensic Psychology. In A. K. Hess & I. B. Weiner (Eds.), Handbook of Forensic Psychology (2nd ed., ). London: John Wiley and Sons.
• Blackburn, R. (1996). What is forensic psychology? Legal and Criminological Psychology. 1996 Feb; Vol 1(Part 1) 3-16 .
• Dalby, J. T. (1997) Applications of Psychology in the Law Practice: A guide to relevant issues, practices and theories. Chicago: American Bar Association.
• Duntley, J. D., & Shackelford, T. K. (2006). Toward an evolutionary forensic psychology. Social Biology, 51, 161-165. Full text
• Gudjonsson, G. (1991). Forensic psychology – the first century. Journal of forensic psychiatry, 2(2), 129.
• G.H. Gudjonsson and Lionel Haward: Forensic Psychology. A guide to practice. (1998) ISBN 0-415-13291-6 (pbk.), ISBN 0-415-13290-8 (hbk.)
• Ogloff, J. R. P., & Finkelman, D. (1999). Psychology and Law: An Overview. In R. Roesch, S. D. Hart, & J. R. P. Ogloff (Eds.), Psychology and Law the State of the Discipline . New York: Kluwer Academic Press.
• Ribner, N.G.(2002). California School of Professional Psychology Handbook of Juvenile Forensic Psychology. Jossey-Bass. ISBN 0-7879-5948-0

• American Psychology – Law Society
• All About Forensic Psychology A comprehensive guide to the world of Forensic Psychology
• Juridical psychology
• http://www.i-psy.com/index.php
• Forensic Psychology Blog Regularly updated news and articles from the world of Forensic Psychology.
• John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
• UK Forensic PsychologyAdvice about Forensic Psychology from the British Psychological Society .
• Forensic Psychology Portal.
• Landmark Cases in Forensic Law
• List of Forensic Landmark Cases Chronologically
• Quality of Practice in Forensic Psychology

de:Rechtspsychologie fa:روان‌شناسی جنایی sk:Forenzná psychológia sl:Forenzična psihologija

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Robert G. Badgett, M.D.[1]

Industrial and organizational psychology is “the branch of applied psychology concerned with the application of psychologic principles and methods to industrial problems including selection and training of workers, working conditions, etc.”^[1]

Research studies in organizational psychology can be:

• Experimental or causal studies. Ex-vivo laboratory with volunteers in simulations or games.
• Observational or correlational studies. In-vivo field studies.

Differences between the states have been challenged and instead an A-factor has been proposed^[2]. However, this assesrtion has been challenged^[3].

Workforce wellbeing has been described as a combination states, “job satisfaction, work engagement, and lower burnout”^[4].

• Well-being
• Flourishing
• Thriving
• Empowerment
• Engagement
• Career calling
• Job satisfaction
• Burnout

Organizational commitment, while not strictly a state, has conceptual overlaps with engagement. Meyer and Allen’s proposes a three-factor organizational commitment scale (OCS)^[5]: affective, continuance, normative^[6][7]. Engagement, especially dedication, is correlated with commitment^[8].

Outcomes of these states are discussed in the separate “Outcomes” section below this.

The National Academies in 2019 and 2024 defined Professional well-being is a “function of being satisfied with one’s job, finding meaning in work, feeling engaged at work, having a high-quality working life, and finding professional fulfillment in work.”^[9][10]

Earlier, in 1999, Danna summarized literature to date but did not synthesize a final definition^[11]

Flourishing involves a positive state of psychological or social well-being and positive functioning (not necessarily learning) and addresses life in general rather than just work.^[12]

Keys recommends measuring with the 14-item Mental Health Continuum Short Form (MHC-SF)^[13][14]:

• psychological or social well-being
• high score on 6 of 11 scales of positive functioning

However, the concept is variably conceptualized thus making it difficult to study.^[15] Some authors do not include positive functioning^[16].

Important contributors to flourishing focus on relationships with others at work and are^[17]:

• Giving to others (due to impact on meaningfulness)
• Task assistance receipt (due to impact on job satisfaction)
• Friendship (due to positive emotions at work)
• Personal growth (due to impact on life satisfaction).

Measurement

A six-point scale has been proposed^[18][19].

A short scale to measure flourishing has been proposed.^[20]

Thriving has two components according to factor analysis^[21]:

• Vitality. In this analysis, vitality is very similar to Schaufeli’s Vigor subscale of the UWES-9 Engagement scale (see ‘Engagement’ below)
• Sense of learning or improvement

One similar, proposed definition is^[22]”

an employee who is thriving in a state of optimal health as one for whom the functions of maintenance, growth, and generativity support each other

Alternatively, Microsoft has defined in their Work Trend Index that thriving is ““to be energized and empowered to do meaningful work.”^[23] Thus, Microsoft’s “energized” maps to Spreitzer’s vitality and “empowered” implies learning and improvement. Microsoft includes questions such as:

• “Would you say you are thriving or struggling with the following types of bonds or relationships at work?”

A separate body of research has emerged more recently that gives a broader definition to thriving, but does not cite the above research that has used factor analysis to identify core features^[24][25].

87% of U.S. workers across industries report that their job “requires [the respondent] to learn new things”.^[26]

Thriving can be measured^[27]:

• “I see myself continually improving”
• “I continue to learn more as time goes by”

Thriving can also be measured by^[28]:

• “To what extent do you learn new things at work?
• “To what extent do the things you learn at work help your in your life”
• “To what extent do the things you learn at work enable you to thrive in life”

Responses range from 1 = “not at all” to 5 = “to an exceptional degree”

A component of thriving can be measured by^[29]:

• “I am frequently taught new things by other people in this clinic.”

The antecedents of thriving have been reviewed^[30]. Thriving is negatively correlated with burnout^[21][31]; however, this benefit may be confined to employees with high openness to experience^[31]

Thriving is fostered among employees whose regulatory focus is promotional by an “employee involvement climate”, defined as having employees who “mutually understand that they (a) possess the power to make decisions and act on them, (b) may access and share the informational resources needed to undertake those actions effectively, (c) have opportunities to update their knowledge in order to continually develop their effectiveness, and (d) are rewarded for improving the effectiveness of their work unit and organization”^[32].

A meta-analysis by Kleine found that “that thriving exhibits small, albeit incremental predictive validity above and beyond positive affect and work engagement, for task performance, job satisfaction, subjective health, and burnout”.^[33]

Engagement has three dimensions according to factor analysis^[34]:

• Vigor (physical engagement)
• Dedication (effective engagement)
• Absorption (cognitive engagement)

Engagement depends on both organizational factors and personnel personality^[35].

• Inadequate job resources are a cause as found in the job demands-resources model of burnout^[36].
• Engagement is associated with organizational success^[37][38], including in health care^[39].
• Engagement is associated with leadership styles^[40]
• Employee personality may account for 50% of variance in engagement^[41]. Associated personality traits are positive affectivity, proactive personality, conscientiousness, and extraversion.

Agency theory “assumes that humans are self-interested rational beings whose actions should be constrained to achieve organizational goals (which are opposing)”.^[42]

Macey and Schneider have divided engagement into^[43]

• Trait engagement (disposition)
• State engagement (feelings as described above by Schaufeli)
• Behavioral (outcomes – extra-role behavior). Google has chosen to measure behavioral engagement: innovation, execution, and employee retention^[44].

Measurement

Engagement can be measured by several validated scales^[45][46].

• Schaufeli’s UWES-9 contains 9 question measuring the three scales vigor, dedication, and absorption.^[45] The single highest loading question for each scale is below what the two additional items for each factor:
  • Vigor: “At my work, I feel bursting with energy”
    • “At my job, I feel strong and vigorous.”
    • “When I get up in the morning, I feel like going to work”
  • Dedication: “I am enthusiastic about my job”
    • “My job inspires me”
    • “I am proud of the work that I do”
  • Absorption: “I am immersed in my work”
    • “I get carried away when I’m working”
    • “I feel happy when I am working intensely”
• Three item variants of Schaufeli’s UWES-9 using one item from each factor.
  • A UWES-3 using the three items that loaded first for each dimension has been validated in German university students^[47] and in diverse settings across 5 countries^[48].
    • “At my work, I feel bursting with energy” (vigor)^[48]
    • “I am enthusiastic about my job” (dedication)^[48]
    • “I am immersed in my work” (absorption)^[48]
  • An other 3-item version of the UWES-9 has been validated that has the following variation^[49]:
    • “Time flies when I am working” for absorption
  • Another 3-item version of the UWES, using the variations below, has been validated^[50]:
    • “At my work, I feel full of energy” (vigor)
    • “Time flies when I am working” (absorption)
  • Another 3-item version of the UWES, using the variations below, has been validated^[51]:
    • “At my job, I feel strong and vigorous” (vigor)

Benchmarks for selected items from the UWES-9^[45] engagement survey

Dimension	Item	APA, 2014 (always, very often)	NHS, 2019 (always, often)
Vigor	I look forward to going to work.(NHS) When I get up in the morning, I feel like going to work (APA 2014 and NIOSH)	33	60
Dedication	I am enthusiastic about my job (NHS, APA 2014). My work inspires me (NIOSH)	40	75
Absorption	Time passes quickly when I am working (NHS) I am immersed in my work (APA 2014, NIOSH)	40	76
Mean score			3.62 (across 9 items)
American Psychological Association (2014). 2014 Work and Well-Being Survey. Available at http://www.apaexcellence.org/assets/general/2014-work-and-wellbeing-survey-results.pdf National Health Service. NHS Staff Survey Results. Available at https://www.nhsstaffsurveyresults.com/homepage/national-results-2019/breakdowns-questions-2019/ (data for full-time employees of acute and combined trusts.

Rich, Levine, and Crawford^[46] measure engagement with three dimensions: physical, emotional, and cognitive. Example questions from these three dimensions include:

• Physical: I try my hardest to perform well on my job
• Emotional: I feel energetic at my job; I am enthusiastic in my job
• Cognitive: At work, I focus a great deal of attention on my job; At work, I am absorbed by my job

Career calling has various definitions, a more recent definition by Rosso and Wrzesniewski is, “meaningful beckoning toward work activities that are morally, socially, and personally significant”^[52]. calling can be measured with^[53]:

1. I have a calling to my current line of work.
2. I have a good understanding of my calling as it applies to my career.

Career calling can be promoted by a career calling climate at work^[54].

Calling may increase engagement at work, especially is organizational commitment is present^[55] as measured by the organizational commitment scale (OCS)^[56].

Satisfaction with work is a “pleasurable or positive emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one’s job or job experiences”^[57].

Satisfaction has been similarly measured for life in general with single questions^[58].

Job satisfaction differs from measuring life satisfaction^[59].

Workaholism more closely correlates with burnout than with engagement, although workaholism correlated with both (weakly negatively with engagement [via absorption])^[60].

Engagement may not simply be the opposite of burnout^[61]. Engagement and burnout may be related more specifically^[62]:

• Emotional exhaustion may be the opposite of vigor
• Cynicism may be the opposite of dedication

The distinction between burnout and depression is not clear^[63].

Engagement and burnout may be related^[62]:

• Emotional exhaustion may be the opposite of vigor
• Cynicism may be the opposite of dedication

On the other hand, some of the dimension within the two states are opposites, but others are unique^[64].

Quantifying the relationship, the expected negative correlation between the two states is only moderate at -0.32^[65]

Regarding engagement and job satisfaction, the meaningfulness of work strongly correlates. An analogy has been proposed for housestaff wellbeing that asserts that meaningfullness (relevance) is most important^[66]:

Sigmund Freud…thought the meaning of life was sex. Alfred Adler thought it was power. And Viktor Frankl thought it was relevance.

The key antecedent of thriving is proposed to be self-determination theory, which includes autonomy, competence, and relatedness. This emphasis links thriving to self-determination theory of Deci. Studies have validated autonomy as an antecedent of thriving. Autonomy may be related to creative self-efficacy.

Teams may be important via their connection to membership and relatedness^[67].

How to foster thriving has been reviewed and includes:

• Providing decision-making discretion
• Sharing Information. Using transparency and open book management
• Minimize incivility at work
• Provide performance feedback
• Promote diversity
• Mastery of tasks. In 1908, the Yerkes-Dodson law, and later the concept of ‘flow’ by Csikszentmihalyi, both propose that engagement is strongest when a task is intermediate in difficulty. Idea implementation leads to feelings of self-efficacy^[68].

Regarding autonomy, its influence can sometimes be negative, perhaps due to overconfidence^[69][70]. In a in vitro study:

• Students were both assigned to teams and told what idea to pursue: worst performance
• Students could choose their teammates, but they were assigned an idea to work on: best performance
• Students were assigned to teams, but were given the autonomy to choose their own idea: best performance
• Students were allowed to choose both their teammates and their ideas: worst performance

The “Big Five personality traits” are:

• Openness to experience
• Conscientiousness
• Extraversion
• Agreeableness
• Neuroticism

Of these, conscientiousness, openness to experience.

Characteristics of managers= of managers have been found to be important for physicians and nurses^[71].

Knowledge hiding may happen in the presence of job insecurity^[72].

Knowledge sharing among team members is more likely when hierarchy stability across team members was low^[73].

The antecedents of thriving have been reviewed^[30].Yerkes-Dodson Law suggestions that the relationship between performance and arousal is bell-shaped so that performance may decrease with excessive arousal. This is similar to work by Csikszentmihaly^[74]. The concept of “competence frustration” (versus “flow”) suggests a similar bell-shaped relationship between task difficulty and engagement^[75]

Phipps-Taylor has reviewed and merged theories to have four factors that influence engagement once Hygiene factors have been fulfilled^[76]Ryff, earlier, has a very similar proposal^[77][78]. A collaboration of the NIOSH and RAND yielded similar concepts^[79].

Ryiff, 1989[77][78]	Phipps-Taylor, 2013[76]	NIOSH-RAND, 2018[79]
Purpose Autonomy Growth Environmental Mastery Relations Self-acceptance	Social purpose Autonomy/power Mastery Relatedness Hygiene factors	Meaning/purpose Autonomy/control Peers/coworkers, manager/org support Hygiene factors

Self-determination theory was proposed in the early 1980s.^[80] In this theory, autonomy, mastery (competence), and relatedness have been validated as components^[81][82] and contains three factors:

• Autonomy
• Mastery
• Relatedness and social connections

This framework of three items was revised to four factors by Spreitzer in 1992; not clear why relatedness was not included^[83][84]:

• Autonomy
• Competence
• Meaningfulness
• Impact

Gagne included these four themes (impact and mastery merged) in 2006^[85].

The SDT and Spreizter models were consolidated, with relatedness or membership included, by Ryff ^[78] and Phipps-Taylor^[76]:

• Ryff’s six-factor model in 1989^[77] of 1) ‘autonomy’, 2) ‘environmental mastery’, 3) ‘purpose in life’, 4) ‘positive relationships’, and the addition of ‘personal growth’ and ‘self-acceptance’. Interestingly, the addition of personal growth presaged Spreitzer’s inclusion of personal growth in her subsequent model of thriving later in 2011.

SDT and JDR have been integrated^[86].

SDT has also been proposed to explain learner behavior in medical education^[87].

The dimensions of job control may include^[88]

• “Decision authority (i.e., decision latitude concerning one’s work pace and phases, and independence from other workers while carrying out tasks)”
• “Skill discretion (i.e., the level of cognitive challenges and variety of tasks at work)”
• “Predictability on the job (i.e., the clarity of work goals and opportunity to foresee changes and problems at one’s work)”

The Finnish Occupational Stress Questionnaire measures these dimensions with 5 questions each such as^[89]:

• Decision authority, “Can you plan your work by yourself?”)
• Skill discretion, (e.g., “Is your work monotonous or variable?”)
• Predictability, (e.g., “Can you anticipate the problems and disturbances arising in your work?”)

Employee perception of the factors of self-determination theory and servant leadership are more likely to have extra-role behavior^[90]. Empowerment may be important in diverse industries^[91].

Idea implementation improves wellbeing via self-efficacy^[68].

The English Whitehall study (Whitehall data sharing policy) found that “the largest contribution to the socioeconomic gradient in CHD frequency was from low control at work” ^[92]. The Whitehall study asked ” Fifteen items deal with decision authority and skill discretion, and these were combined into an index of decision latitude or control”. The most significant outcome was “doctor-diagnosed ischaemia”.

A later analysis of the Whitehall II study suggests that the harm may not confined to respondents who reported that stress affected their health – rather than simply those that reported stress^[93]. Another follow-up analysis suggested importance to the perception of justice at work^[94].

The Finnish cohort found that the association may be more specifically due to predictability at work (“Can you anticipate the problems and disturbances arising in your work?”)^[88]

However, the causality of these associations has been disputed in the West of Scotland collaborative study that measured stress with the Rose Questionnaire that does not specifically ask job control^[95]. The Scottish studies summarize the conflict in their Table.

This was proposed in the 1990s to underly burnout and has 6 areas^[96]:

1. workload
2. control
3. reward
4. community
5. fairness
6. values

Job demands–resources (JD-R) framework^[36] proposes that “resources energize employees and foster engagement, which, in turn, yields positive outcomes such as high levels of well-being and performance”^[97]

This framework ties to the theory as components of the framework “are regarded as playing a motivational role, since they help fulfil human needs for autonomy, competence or relatedness”.^[97]

“According to SET, relationships between employees and employers are based on norms of reciprocity.”^[97]

Kahn posed that three key attributes of work are meaningfulness, psychological safety. and availability (availability is related to mastery) ^[98] and later validated by May^[99] .

Organizational culture is “beliefs and values shared by all members of the organization. These shared values, which are subject to change, are reflected in the day to day management of the organization”^[100]. Components of culture have been described based on anthropology^{[101][102][103]}.

Organizational culture affects organizational effectiveness^[104]

Employee involvement climate, defined as having employees who “mutually understand that they (a) possess the power to make decisions and act on them, (b) may access and share the informational resources needed to undertake those actions effectively, (c) have opportunities to update their knowledge in order to continually develop their effectiveness, and (d) are rewarded for improving the effectiveness of their work unit and organization” is associated with thriving among employees whose regulatory focus is promotional^[32].

The role of work climate has been examined in studies based on complexity science^[105][106], in order to predict why quality improvement projects succeed^{[107][108][109]} and fail^[110].

However, attributes of culture study may not be well based on theory and linked to the above settings.^[111]

A reciprocal, beneficial relationship has been proposed between a positive work climate and mission goals^[112]. This may be similar the Matthew effect^[113].

A systematic review reported that most studies found benefit on outcomes of health care organizations that have positive organizational psychology^[114].

Engagement may be more important than job satisfaction of intrinsic motivation in predicting job performance^[115].

Engagement is associated with organizational success^[116][117], including in health care^[39].

Innovation and curiosity.^[118]

Prosocial behavior may occur^[119].

Proactivity personality may lead to job crafting, which may then lead to career adaptability.^[120]

Googler-to-Googler (G2G) is an example of institutionally supported shared learning, or knowledge sharing, of crafted ideas. This was started in 2007, possibly by Lazlo Bock who was at Google till 2016^[121], or Karen May, VP of People Development^[122]

Employees may recommend their job to others^[123]. This is a type of prosocial behavior.

Engagement has been suggested to be susceptiable to the “Too-Much-of-a-Good-Thing Effect”^[124][125]. n addition, high engagement has been associated with:

• Harm in family life^[126].

If harm occurs from too much engagement:

• Short-term and long-term effects may different. In a two-wave panel study, short-term adverse effects were found for high levels of engagement, but no adverse effects were found for long-term engagement^[127]
• Absorption may be associated with more harm outside of work than the other dimensions of engagement^[128]
• The effect may be curvilinear^[129][127].
• May interact with workaholism^[130]. However, this may mainly occur through absorption^[131]

In summary, harm from high levels of engagement may be focused on absorption and may only be short-term.

The distinction between management has become blurred^[132].

Available studies have been reviewed.^[133] Studies using appreciative inquiry have been done.^[134][135]

Switching to a flatter organizational structure may help^[136].

In the U.K. National Health Service, the Boorman report makes 20 recommendations^[137] Subsequent systemic review of interventions incorporating these recommendations has found benefit on the workforce^[138].

Gamification may help^[139].

In medicine, recommendations for high-performance work systems are available and include^[140][141]:

• Engaging staff
• Acquiring and developing talent
• Empowering the frontline. However, empowering one segment of the frontline may result in bordering another segment^[142].
• Aligning leaders
• Employee and Organizational outcomes

Unionization may be able help physicians in training^[143].

Serial surveying of employee opinion may be effective^[144][145]. However, action in response to feedback is needed^[146]. Thus, selective action may cause feedback to create a Matthew effect as leaders who are already successful may be disposed to act on the feedback^[147].

Employees can help guide survey design^[148].

Many surveys are available^[149][150].

The NHS Staff Surveys have been administered since 2003 in England. In Scottland, the NHS-Scottland also fields surveys^[151] .

Burnout is not measured with Maslach’s survey^[152]. A proxy question for the emotional exhaustion component is available:

• “During the last 12 months have you felt unwell as a result of work related stress.”

Job satisfaction is not measured directly, but a proxy question is available:

• “I would recommend my organisation as a place to work.”

Engagement, using three items from the UWES-9^[153], has been measured since 2012:

• Vigor/vitality: “I look forward to going to work.”
• Dedication: “I am enthusiastic about my job.”
• Absorption: “Time passes quickly when I am working.”

Thriving is not available although a validated scale is available^[21]. The Staff Surveys has one related question:

• “The team I work in often meets to discuss the team’s effectiveness.”

Empowerment, using questions similar to Spreitzer’s Measuring Empowerment survey which measures^[154]:

• Meaningfulness or purpose
  • Not directly asked. Related question is “The opportunities I have to use my skills.”
• Competence or efficacy
  • “I am able to do my job to a standard I am personally pleased with.”
• Self-determination
  • “I have a choice in deciding how to do my work.”
  • “There are frequent opportunities for me to show initiative in my role.”
• Impact
  • “I am able to make improvements happen in my area of work.” and other, similar questions

Complexity leadership theory is partly measured although not using validated items from scales for complexity leadership theory (information gathering and information using)^[155][156] and validated items from reciprocal learning^{[29][157][158]} and Relational Coordination Scale^[157].

• Generative (information gathering)
  • “Is patient / service user experience feedback collected within your directorate / department?”
  • “I receive regular updates on patient / service user experience feedback in my directorate / department”
• Administrative (information using)
  • “The team I work in often meets to discuss the team’s effectiveness.”
  • “When errors, near misses or incidents are reported, my organisation takes action to ensure that they do not happen again.”
  • “Feedback from patients / service users is used to make informed decisions within my directorate / department”
  • “I am confident that my organisation would address my concern” and similar questions

This may include public reporting.

Public reporting has been used to try to improve organizational culture in the U.K.^[159][160] Recommendations for how to report have been proposed.^[161][162]

Public reporting has been implemented in U.S. healthcare by requiring Hospice (Hospice Quality Reporting Program – HQRP) to contract with certified surveyors to avoid financial penalties.^[163]

Environmental, social and corporate governance (ESG) was defined in 2004 by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan^[164]. The “S” includes workforce.

The organizations CDP, CDSB, GRI, IIRC and SASB may start collaborating iva the Impact Management Project of the World Economic Forum and Deloitte^[165]

Another collaboration is the recent creation of the [International Sustainability Standards Board] (ISSB) within the IFRS Foundation^[166].

Groups striving to implement these goals:

• United Nations: https://www.unpri.org/esg-issues/social-issues/employee-relations and https://www.unepfi.org/social-issues/social-issues/
• Global Reporting Initiative recommendations include reporting on:
  • “Healthcare providers, including hospitals, nursing homes and home health care need to report on staffing ratios per patient and their turn-over rates”
• Global Sustainable Investment Alliance (GSIA): http://www.gsi-alliance.org/ including https://www.ussif.org/ in the U.S.
• International Integrated Reporting Council (IIRC): https://integratedreporting.org/
• International Standards Organization (ISO) Technical Committee on Healthcare organization management: https://www.iso.org/committee/6131376.html
• Motley Fool’s Going for Great Returns and the Greater Good: The Motley Fool’s ESG Investing Framework
• Workforce Disclosure Initiative (https://shareaction.org/wdi/) of ShareAction which has had successes described in the Wall Street Journal^[167]
• Business Roundtable: https://opportunity.businessroundtable.org/ourcommitment/ Although the Business Roundtable’s recent Statement on the Purpose of a Corporation has a section, “Investing in our employees” which includes a statement, “We foster diversity and inclusion, dignity and respect”, there is not a specific statement on employee well-being.
• Impact-Weighted Accounts Project at Harvard Business School: https://www.hbs.edu/impact-weighted-accounts/
• MSCI Inc. (formerly Morgan Stanley Capital International) licenses indices to investors to measure ESG efforts of companies.
• Sustainability Accounting Standards Board: https://www.sasb.org/ includes metrics for:
  • “(1) Voluntary and (2) involuntary turnover rate for: (a) physicians, (b) non-physician health care practitioners, and (c) all other employees”

The IIRC and SASB merged in 2021 to form the Value Reporting Foundation^[168].

ESG ratings, when not conflicting, predict future ESG activity^[169].

Concerns have been made about the need to improve the quality of reporting to increase impact^[170][171].

‘Comply or explain’ may be an option for implementing ESG reporting^[172].

Shareholder activism

One lever ESG reporting has is to guide proxy voting on ESG-related shareholder proposals^[173].

Examples of a shareholder activism have been reported^[174][175].

Human resource management practices are associated with hospital mortality^[176][177].

Components of Human Resource Management can be divided^[178]:

Technical Human Resource Management

• Benefits and services
• Compensation
• Recruiting and training
• Safety and health
• Employee education and training
• Retirement strategies
• Employee/industrial relations
• Social responsibility programs
• EEO for females, minorities, etc.
• Management of labor costs
• Selection testing
• Performance appraisal
• Human resource information systems
• Assessing employee attitudes

Strategic Human Rource Management

• Teamwork
• Employee participation and empowerment
• Workforce planning—flexihitity and deployment
• Workforce productivity and quality of output
• Management and executive development
• Succession and development planning for managers
• Advance issue identification/strategic studies
• Employee and manager communications
• Work/family programs’*

HPWPs, orginally developed by the U.S. Department of Labor^[179], are human resource practices that^[180][140]:

• “increase employees’ knowledge, skills, and abilities (KSAs)”
• “empower employees to leverage their KSAs for organizational benefit”
• “increase their motivation to do so”

The following early study of HPWP have been found to affect employee outcomes (turnover and productivity) and measures of corporate financial performance^[178]

Employee skills and organizational structures

• What is the proportion of the workforce who are included in a formal information sharing program (e.g.. a newsletter)?
• What is the proportion of the workforce whose job has been subjected to a formal job analysis?
• What proportion of non-entry level jobs have been filled from within in recent years?
• What is the proportion of the workforce who are administered attitude surveys on a regular basis?
• What is the proportion of the workforce who participate in Quality of Work Life (QWL) programs, Quality Circles (QC). and/or labor-management participation teams?
• What is the proportion of the workforce who have access to company incentive plans, profit-sharing plans, and/or gain-sharing plans?
• What is the average number of hours of training received by a typical employee over the last 12 months?
• What is the proportion of the workforce who have access to a formal grievance procedure and/or complaint resolution system?
• What proportion of the workforce is administered an employment tesi prior to hiring?

Employee motivation

• What is the proportion of the workforce whose performance appraisals are used to determine their compensation?
• What proportion of the workforce receives formal performance appraisals?
• Which of the following promotion decision rules do you use most often? (a) merit or performance rating alone; (b) seniority only if merit is equal; (c) seniority among employees who meet a minimum merit requirement; (d) seniority.
• For the five positions that your firm hires most frequently, how many qualified applicants do you have per position (on average)?

High-Performance Work Practices have been more recently proposed by the United States [Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality] (AHRQ)^[181][140]. These include:

Subsystem #1: Engaging Staff

• Conveying mission and vision
• Information sharing
• Employee involvement in decision-making. Defined by the AHRQ as ” Practices supporting employees’ ability to influence the “decisions that matter” through mechanisms such as quality circles, process project teams, management/town hall meetings, and/or suggestion systems.” “2007). Employee surveying and visibly acting on survey results also fit into this practice category.”^[140]
• Performance-contingent compensation

Subsystem #2: Acquiring and Developing Talent

• Rigorous recruiting
• Selective hiring
• Extensive training
• Career development

Subsystem #3: Empowering the Frontline. Defined by the AHRQ as “These practices most directly affect the ability and motivation of frontline staff, clinicians in particular, to influence the quality and safety their care team provides.”

• Employment security
• Reduced distinctions
• Teams/decentralized decisionmaking

Subsystem #4: Aligning Leaders. Defined by the AHRQ as “These practices influence the capabilities of the organization’s leadership in running and evolving the organization as a whole.”

• Management training linked to organizational needs. Defined by the AHRQ as “Practices involving the alignment of leadership development resources with the strategic direction of the organization. Examples include use of core competency models and/or incorporation of goals to guide training, assessment, and feedback programs.”
• Succession planning
• Performance-contingent compensation

A meta-analysis in 2006 has shown the effectiveness of HPWPs for five dimensions of organizational performance measures: ^[180]:

• productivity
• retention
• accounting returns
• growth
• market returns

In 2013, the Joint Commission proposed a description of reliability^[182]. Their description did not address who orhow decisions are made.

More recently in 2016, the Institute for Healthcare Improvement (IHI) developed the High-Performance Management System (HPMS)^[183][184]. Key components are:

Primary Driver P1: Drive Quality Control

• S1: Standardization: Processes exist to help define and disseminate standard work (what to do and how to do it).
• S2: Accountability: A process is in place to review execution of standard work.
• S3: Visual Management: Process performance information is continuously available to synchronize staff attention and guide current activities.
• S4: Problem Solving: Methods are available for surfacing and addressing problems that are solvable at the front line, and for developing improvement capability.
• S5: Escalation: Frontline staff scope issues and escalate those that require management action to resolve.
• S6: Integration: Goals, standard work, and QI project aims are integrated across organizational levels and coordinated among units and departments.

Primary Driver P2: Manage Quality Improvement

• S7: Prioritization: Processes are established to help prioritize frontline improvement projects based on organizational goals.
• S8: Assimilation: Improvement projects are integrated into daily work.
• S9: Implementation: Frontline teams have support to move from QI back to QC, integrating the results of QI projects into standard processes.

Primary Driver P3: Establish a Culture of High-Performance Management

• S10: Policy
• S11: Feedback
• S12: Transparency
• S13: Trust

The IHI HPMS does not well map to antecedents of workforce engagement^[98][185]:

• Membership and safety

( Availability and mastery

• Meaningfulness
• Autonomy or self-determination

Several studies^[177][186] and systematic reviews^[180][187] report effectiveness.

Women may make group decision making more effective^[188] and be inclined to more effective leadership styles^[189].

Opt-out promotion decisions may be effective in promoting gender equality^[190]. Women are less likely to self-promote in their self-assesments^[191][192]

Affirmative action or quotas may have mixed effects^[193].

Lean-in training may cause harm by suggesting women are responsible for reducing disparities by changing themselves rather than the system^[194].

Diversity training may cause harm^[195].

Promoting teamwork in healthcare may help address burnout in studies ^[196][197]

Teamwork might be effective be promoting mastery and membership.

Overworked managers may treat employees unfairly^[198]. Daily performance appraisal may be harmful^[199].

Financial targets may not help motivate^[200].

Pay for performance can reduce mental health of employees^[201].

However, one field study found that the impact of incentives can be positive depending on the management style^[202].

The antecedents of the turnover of medical assistants have been systematically reviewed^[203].

Organizational decision making is “the process by which decisions are made in an institution or other organization”. ^[204]

Evidence-based recommendations have been made for decisions by small groups^[205]:

• “Keep the group small when you need to make an important decision”
• “Choose a heterogenous group over a homogenous one (most of the time)”
• “Appoint a strategic dissenter (or even two)”
• “Collect opinions independently”
• “Provide a safe space to speak up”

• “Don’t over-rely on experts”
• “Share collective responsibility”

Group members may overestimate the degree of consensus^[206]. This may be due to difficulty in inferring the opinion of a teammember^[207].

There is conflicting evidence on the role of voting; however, studies varies in whether voting was attributed or anonymous and whether postdecisional voice by the minority opinion was encouraged and recorded.

There are multiple types of voting and multivoting may be the best choice^[208]:

• “Plurality voting, where voters can only choose one option.” This can be problematic when more than two options occur and a spoiler effect phenomenon occurs.
• “Ranked-choice voting, where voters indicate their preferences from best to worst”
• “Multivoting is where voters are given multiple votes that they can allocate across options.” The number of votes to allow voters to have is suggested to be great than 𝑜(𝑜―1)/2 where 𝑜 is the number of optionsClosing </ref> missing for <ref> tag.

On the other hand, in a non-randomized study that did not account for baseline conflicts, voting was associated with dissatisfaction^[209]. It may be likely that these teams chose to vote because of diversity of perspectives whereas teams that choose consensus had more baseline homogeneity. In addition, post-decision voice was not clearly used.

After voting on organizational procedures, postdecisional voice by the minority group can reduce negative impact on perceptions of fairness and task commitment by employees in the voting minority. ^[210] In the study by Hunton, postdecisional voice was solicited by asking voters “their thoughts and feelings” about the options debated. Participants were also told that their postdecisional voice was “noninstrumental” and would not change the choice^[210].

A Delphi technique may be more effective.

The Delphi technique involves:

1. Identifying a research problem
2. Completing a literature search
3. Developing a questionnaire of statements
4. Conducting anonymous iterative mail or e-mail questionnaire rounds
5. Providing individual and/or group feedback between rounds
6. Summarizing the findings

A modified Delphi had been developed by the RAND Corporation.

The technique can vary regarding the ity of participants and the number of iterations or rounds.

The Delphi Technique can be conducted online either asynchronously via email or synchronously using a software such as ExpertLens.

Key attributes of the Delphi technique are^{[211][212][213]}:

• Anonymity of voting^{[211][212][213]}
• Iterations^[211][213] or repetitions^[212]

• Controlled feedback^{[211][212][213]}

• Statistical analysis of group response^{[211][212][213]}

• Structured interactions^[211] or questionnaires^[212]

In 1954, management by objectives was proposed^[214] and has been sinced criticized^[215].

The structure of goals has been proposed to be^[216]:

• Specific
• Measurable
• Assignable
• Realistic
• Time-related

Having specific organizational goals helps workforce engagement^[217]

Objectives and key results (OKR) was proposed as an approach in 1983^[218].

Key performance indicators (KPI) is another approach that was described in 1990^[219].

Objectives, goals, strategies and measures (OGSM) is another approach.

Stretch goals are inconsistently effective.^[220].

There may be advantages to goals that are set by the workforce rather than management^[221].

Goals developed with an outside view for reference class forecasting may avoid overly optimistic goals.^[222][223]

Specific goals can create problems according to Goodhart’s law.

The quality of goal setting can be measured with^[224]:

• Goal Instrument for Quality (Goal-IQ) developed in 2009. 11 items^[225]
• Goal and Action Plan Instrument for Quality (GAP-IQ) which updates the Goal-IQ. 17 items^[224]

Point 11

(a) Eliminate work standards (quotas) on the factory floor. Substitute leadership.

(b) Eliminate management by objective. Eliminate management by numbers, numerical goals. Substitute leadership.

— Deming, W. Edwards., The Essential Deming: Leadership Principles from the Father of Quality (p. 141). McGraw-Hill Education. ISBN 0071790225

Deming suggests limiting measurement to identifying outliers.

The Cochrane Collaboration, in 2011, did not find evidence of methods that can improve organizational culture^[226].

A survey for Practice adaptive reserve may^[227] or many not^[228] predict successful organizational change. Practive adaptive reserve is negatively associated with burnout^[229][228]

Many studies have examined how to promote organizational change via patient-centered medical home in primary care by large projects such as the VA PACT^{[230][231][232]} and the American Academy of Family Physician^[233]. These methods have been systematically reviewed.

Endorsing ideas, especially if the endorser uses language discordant to the endorser’s gender^[234].

• Female endorser: “Agentic voice (task content; assertive, confident presentation style)”

• Male endorser: “Communal voice (relational content; polite, humble presentation style)”

Two types:

• Internal – adopting and adapting. Various issues affect knowledge sharing within an organization^{[235][236][237]}. Recommendations to promote knowledge sharing are^[237]:
  • “Design work in a way that encourages sharing and promotes the right type of motivation. Give stimulating work that uses brain cells and give people autonomy. Don’t overload people (which creates time pressure). Be careful when creating too many ‘dependencies’ between workers as it can also create pressure.”
  • “Create a cooperative culture. Do not create competition through individual incentives or through labelling [sic] people as winners versus losers or publicly comparing them (for example, what messages do performance appraisals send?).”
  • “Act as a role model and share your knowledge with others. Show you trust others to make good use of the knowledge you share with them. Also make sure you use the knowledge they share with you competently and with integrity.”

• External – development

Appreciative inquiry was developed in 1987 by Cooperrider and Srivastva^[238] Appreciative inquiry is consistent with complexity science^[239].

Positive deviance is consistent with complexity leadership^{[240][241][242]} and learning health systems^[243].

A positive deviance approach has been recommended to identify and disseminate best organizational practices^{[244][245] [246][247]}Early description of this method was^[244]:

• “Develop case definitions”
• “Identify four to six people who have achieved an unexpected good outcome despite high risk”
• “Interview and observe these people to discover uncommon behaviours or enabling factors that could explain the good outcome”
• “Analyse the findings to confirm that the behaviours are uncommon and accessible to those who need to adopt them”
• “Design behaviour change activities to encourage community adoption of the new behaviours”
• “Monitor implementation and evaluate the results”

Overall measurement of learning and improvement can be measured with^[27]:

• “I see myself continually improving”. Responses on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree; 7=strongly agree).
• “I continue to learn more as time goes by”. Responses on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree; 7=strongly agree).

Internal innovation due to reciprocal learning

• “I am frequently taught new things by other people I work with”. Responses scored from one (strongly agree) to five (strongly disagree).^[29]

External innovation due to environmental scanning.

• “the number of memberships in professional associations”^[248]

• Academy of Management (AOM), United States
• Association of Business Psychologists, UK
• Canadian Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology (CSIOP), Canada
• College of Organisational Psychologists (COP), Australian Psychological Society, Australia
• Division of Occupational Psychology, British Psychological Society, UK
• European Association of Work and Organizational Psychology (EAWOP), Europe
• Institute of Work Psychology, Sheffield, England, UK
• Industrial Psychology Research Centre, Aberdeen, Scotland, UK
• Psychology and College of Business Alumni Club (PAC BAC)
• International Public Management Association for Human Resources Assessment Counsel (IPMAAC)
• Minnesota Professionals for Psychology Applied to Work (MPPAW), United States
• Division 1: Work & Organizational Psychology, The International Association of Applied Psychology, International
• NIOSH – Occupational Health Psychology, United States
• Organizational Behavior Management Network (OBM Network)
• Industrial Division, Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA), South Africa
• Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM), United States
• Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology (SIOP), United States
  • Textbook recommendations
• Society for Industrial and Organisational Psychology of South Africa (SIOPSA), South Africa

• Leadership
• Job satisfaction
• Burnout (psychology)
• Psychometrics
• Quiet quitter
• Social psychology
• Important publications in Industrial and organizational psychology

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